Caught in a vicious circle of vice

Prothom Alo illustration
Prothom Alo illustration

When Nusrat Jahan Rafi, student of a madrasa in Sonagazi, Feni, was burned to death, four issues came into focus: the sexual abuse of a woman, the sexual abuse by the principal within the madrasa, the irresponsible behaviour of the local administration and police, and the vicious cycle of vice within local politics. We need to examine each of these matters separately. These are naturally matters of serious concern to the people. But are these actually isolated matters or are they all linked to each other? Will it be possible to resolve the situation if these matters are viewed separately?

Over the last few years, incidence of sexual abuse, particularly rape, has increased in Bangladesh. Women and children are mostly the victims. According to the legal aid organisation Ain O Salish Kendra, around 4000 women have been victims of rape and attempted rape over the past five years.

In 2018, the number of rapes was 732, of which 66 were killed after rape. According to the Prothom Alo report in January this year, the age of the women victims was not mentioned in about half of the cases. Among the rest, 86 per cent were girl children. And around two-thirds of those killed after rape, were young girls too. Most of them were around 12 years old.

Information from other sources reveals an even worse picture. Based on reports of six national dailies, Manusher Jonno Foundation reports that in the 15 days from 2 April to 16 April this year, 47 children have been subject to sexual abuse. Of them, 39 were raped. These are only the incidents reported in the media, so the situation is actually much worse. Many of the victim families to not resort to the police and those incident go by unreported. While young boys are also subject to such abuse, there are no separate statistics in this regard.

The general people’s anger regarding such abuse broke out after Nusrat’s death. This is not the first of such an incident. In March 2016, Sohagi Jahan Tonu was raped and killed in the Cumilla cantonment. There was a strong public reaction to the incident, but the culprits remain at large. Police reports, forensic reports, even the court’s stance and other incidents implied that no one was behind Tonu’s murder, let alone being raped. There are several other such sensation cases which are still remembered, but so many more unknown and unreported. The court’s statement in the Nusrat murder case indicates that the Tonu murder case is ‘lost’. Justice Sheikh Hasan Arif said, ‘We do not want this case to go lost and missing as the cases of Sagar-Runi, Mitu and Tonu.’

The people are irate that despite widespread sexual abuse, rape and killing, there is no justice in most of the cases. The protest is not just against the Sonagazi madrasa principal and his accomplices. The families of the victims and the public cannot accept such cases fading into oblivion. They cannot accept the vacuum of justice, of the criminals getting away.

The procedures, through which the rape victims and their families have to go, indicate that the law and judicial system is not in favour of the victim, but quite the contrary. The police are reluctant to take up such cases, the victims are often treated as criminals, evidence against the criminals is not preserved, and the entire police process is inordinately lengthy, allowing the accused to escape.

Then there is the sick social psyche that blames the victim for being raped. It is the powerful quarters within the state and society that nurture such mindsets as they stand on the side of the criminals. The media refers to them as ‘influential quarters’, implying some invisible force. But these are real-life well-known people. They have money and political clout and it is taken for granted that the law and judicial system goes in their favour. That is why the demand for justice in Nusrat’s case has been so loud.

The sexual assault of a woman inside a madrasa by a madrasa teacher is being viewed as a sensitive case. This has sparked off a stronger reaction in the public mind. It has given a chance to those who are against madrasa education. They say such an incident is a result of madrasa teachings. Then those who are not opposed to such religious education, feel that persons involved in such religious education should have more moral values and should be given exemplary punishment.

Media reports may seem to indicate that among educational institutes, madrasas are more prone to having incidents of sexual abuse. More factual reports are required about the matter, but the state and independent researchers are hesitant to delve deeper due to so-called religious sensitivities. Actually there is little likelihood of any assistance from the state of government for such research. Even the community of religious leaders, the alem, who firmly believe such behaviour goes against the tenets of Islam and that those guilty of such acts are tarnishing the image of Islam, are not forthcoming to assist in this regard either. Sadly, they remain silent, with no vehement protest or action.

Such silence not only questions the religious sensitivities of society, but also brings up the matter of moral expectations from religious educational institutions. These matters need to be discussed. We must keep in mind that Nusrat’s murder involves questions of politics, the administration and the role of the police.

* Ali Riaz is distinguished professor of the government and politics department at Illinois State University, USA. This piece appeared in Bangla in the print edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten in English by Ayesha Kabir.