Crisis in BNP, and in parliament

A Prothom Alo Illustration
A Prothom Alo Illustration

BNP is going through hard times and this political party is likely to face even tougher tests in the coming days. Actually, it is not just the BNP, but the country’s politics as a whole is grappling with critical challenges.

The 30 December election seems to have redefined politics. According to the constitution, the elected members of parliament are to take oath by 30 April, failing which their seats will fall vacant. Only eight candidates of BNP and the Jatiya Oikya Front won seats in the controversial polls.

Prior to the election, Awami League had said it would face stiff contest from the BNP, but the people saw no contest at all, stiff or otherwise. Even the New York Times and other international media dubbed this election as a farce.

Of the eight elected candidates of the opposition, Gono Forum’s Sultan Mohammad Mansur and Mokabbir Khan defined their party decision and went ahead to take oath as members of the parliament. Then they turned up at the party special forum on Friday. On Thursday, BNP’s Zahidur Rahman also was sworn in as member of parliament. BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir claims that government pressure played a part in this. And the party’s standing committee member Gayeswar Roy termed Zahidur as a ‘public enemy’.

BNP has not taken any action against Zahidur so far. A decision may be taken by the standing committee today, Saturday. Zahidur justifies his action by saying that he has been contesting in the elections since 1991 and this is the first time he has won. Since the party has been unable to have their chairperson Khaleda Zia released through any movement on the streets, he will strive to do so from within the parliament. He will also call for the cases against all their party leaders and workers to be dropped.

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir also won in the election, but no one envisages him joining the parliament against party decision. But what about the other four BNP candidates who won? Will they take the Zahidur route? Do they actually think the government will release Khaleda Zia if they make the request in parliament?

Before Zahidur took oath, there had been rumours that Khaleda Zia may be released on parole. Certain ministers said parole was only granted if applied for. But if she actually applied for parole, would she be granted it?

During the rule of Ziaur Rahman, JSD leader ASM Abdur Rab was released on parole and went to Germany on medical treatment. During the last caretaker government, Sheikh Hasina was also released on parole and she went abroad on medical treatment. Rab had been convicted and Hasina had been under trial. Also under trial, Tarique Rahman, BNP’s senior joint secretary general at the time, was freed on parole and he went to London for treatment. The court convicted him after Awami League came to power. Now what will happen with Khaleda Zia?

BNP leaders do not foresee the government releasing her out of sympathy or compassion or granting her parole. The only way she will be released is through legal battle or political movement.

Then again, there are differences of opinion over BNP MPs taking oath. One side believes that by joining a parliament which was formed though an election where people couldn’t vote, would be tantamount to giving a clean chit to the farcical election. Another side feels that since it is not being possible to have Khaleda Zia freed through any movement, then all other forums should be put to use to this end. They feel that criticising the election is parliament would be more effective.

Allies of the ruling coalition have also questioned the election. They have criticised the role of the police and the excesses of the local Awami League leaders.

An intellectual of the BNP ilk has recently said, the leaders may talk big, but they have managed to do nothing. If the elected candidates go to parliament, at least they will be able to speak out. All forums of protest must be utilised.

The government quarters too are divided about granting Khaleda Zia parole. The government will not be affected in any big way if she is freed on parole as she will not be able to carry out a movement even when released. In fact, the government will benefit.

However, another section of the government feels that BNP should not be given any leeway at all. These hardliners within Awami League are likely to come out on top. They feel that at least four of BNP’s MPs will take oath even if Khaleda Zia is not released.

Now the people will have to wait till 30 April to see if there is any dramatic turn of events.

Certain well wishers of the BNP feel that joining parliament does not necessarily mean giving it legitimacy. Awami League castigated the second and third parliament as one born in the womb of autocracy and these parliaments were more or less just for show. Power lay in the hands of the president, that is, the military ruler.

In the 1979 election, Awami League won 39 of the 300 seats in parliament. Many of the party’s big leaders were defeated. But that handful of Awami League MPs brewed up a storm in parliament. In the 1986 parliament which Awami League targeted to win, Ershad gave them only 76 seats. These MPs managed to throw the ruling party off balance and the parliament lasted for less than two years.

Presently if the crisis was just of BNP, the ruling coterie could have been at peace. However, the 30 December election has pitched politics and the parliament into a crisis. The people have lost their previous enthusiasm about the parliament. There is hardly likely to be any spirited debates as in the past. The question and answer sessions in the recent parliaments have been lacklustre. No vital issue is taken up in the House. Even the treasury bench seems to have lost interest.

Parliamentary democracy is in place in the country, there are parliamentary committees, but no one really sees the parliament as the centre of politics. BNP may be in a dilemma over whether its members should take oath or not, but it is the parliamentary system that is actually at stake.

*Sohrab Hassan is joint editor of Prothom Alo and can be contacted at [email protected]. This piece appeared in the print edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten in English by Ayesha Kabir