Failures in the education sector mounting

With the exception of one or two years, including the Covid-19 pandemic period, a continuity had been established for more than a decade whereby students at the primary and secondary levels received free textbooks at the very beginning of the academic year.

The excitement of students receiving new books, the relief of guardians, and the festive atmosphere together became a familiar scene marking the start of the academic year. The National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB) had regularly fulfilled this responsibility.

However, that continuity has been disrupted during the tenure of the interim government. Although the current government had the opportunity to distribute free textbooks in two academic years after assuming office, it has failed even once to ensure that all students received all their books at the start of the year.

Even now, the NCTB, under the Ministry of Education, has not been able to supply all secondary-level textbooks. The board had claimed that distribution would be completed by 15 January. But according to information available up to 18 January, 8,641,960 books were still pending delivery.

At the primary level, however, 100 per cent of the textbooks had reached the field before the start of the academic year. Last year, it took nearly three months after the academic year began to distribute all textbooks.

Educationists say delays in textbook delivery are not merely administrative failures; they disrupt the continuity of students’ learning. They argue that distributing free textbooks is a routine task.

Tendering, printing, and distribution should all be planned well in advance of the academic year. Failure to do so reflects broader managerial weaknesses within the Ministry of Education.

Beyond the failure to distribute textbooks on time, the interim government’s tenure has exposed widespread shortcomings in the education sector—marked by failure, lack of leadership, and indecision.

After the fall of the Awami League government during the July mass uprising, there was hope that positive changes would begin in the education sector. In reality, that did not happen.

While commissions were formed in various sectors in the name of reform, no such commission was formed for education, one of the most critical sectors. According to stakeholders, this clearly reflects the government’s attitude toward education.

Toward the end of its tenure, the Ministry of Education, like the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education, has formed an advisory committee led by BRAC University emeritus professor Manzoor Ahmed. The committee is expected to submit its report before the 12 February election. However, there is little likelihood that any recommendations will be implemented within the current government’s term.

Educationists say that failures extend beyond policymaking to routine administrative work. While the Ministry of Primary and Mass Education has managed to make some progress, the Ministry of Education as a whole is struggling. Due to a lack of proper planning, weak implementation, and indecision, failures in the education sector are steadily piling up.

Immediately after the fall of the Awami League government following the July mass uprising, a group of students staged protests inside the secretariat. In response to their demands, the postponed HSC and equivalent examinations were cancelled.

Later, results were published using an “alternative method.” A large section of education stakeholders view this as a major example of administrative weakness within the Ministry of Education.

Experts argue that making such decisions under pressure from a group of students exposes structural weaknesses within the education system. They warn that the impact will be felt in the long term.

Since that incident, instances of “mob” behaviour have increased on campuses. Several teachers have been publicly humiliated. Pressure on teachers, resignations, and administrative instability across institutions have further complicated the situation.

In many cases, the burden of administrative decisions has fallen on teachers, leading to resignations and disciplinary actions—making the education environment even more fragile. This has also deteriorated teacher-student relationships.

In August 2024, then education adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud announced on his very first day at the secretariat that the country would revert to the old curriculum.

This abrupt decision, taken without consultation, sparked debate both for and against it. Given the circumstances at the time, many viewed it as an attempt to restore temporary stability. However, no visible plan followed.

In June last year, current education adviser Chowdhury Rafiqul Abrar (CR Abrar) said a revised curriculum would be introduced from 2027. But no committee has yet been formed, nor has any framework been prepared for drafting the new curriculum.

With very limited time remaining, the interim government is effectively unable to prepare even a basic outline for a new curriculum. An NCTB source said there is little chance of any initiative on this issue during the government’s remaining tenure.

Educationists warn that while the world is moving toward skills-based and technology-driven education, Bangladesh is once again confining students within outdated structures, posing long-term risks not only to education but also to future employment and human resource development.

One of the most important bodies under the Ministry of Education is the Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education (DSHE). Since 15 October last year, it has had no regular director general. The post of director (planning and development) remained vacant for nearly a month. New directors were appointed to this and another wing on 6 January.

Several DSHE officials told Prothom Alo that a state of stagnation now prevails within the directorate.

The post of director general at the National Academy for Educational Management (NAEM) is also vacant, with a director performing routine duties. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Education has failed to appoint a regular chairman to the NCTB for more than nine months.

Education stakeholders say leaving such key institutions leaderless is not mere negligence; it indicates administrative incompetence. Several educationists point out that the ministry’s biggest problem is the absence of any clear policy framework or direction.

The crisis surrounding Dhaka’s seven major government colleges remains unresolved. Under pressure from student movements, the government announced in January last year that the colleges would once again be separated from Dhaka University.

However, cancelling affiliation before finalising a new university made the situation even more complex. A new structure is now being proposed, but the ordinance is yet to be issued.

A senior education ministry official told Prothom Alo that efforts are underway to place the draft ordinance before the interim government’s advisory council as soon as possible.

Even if the ordinance is issued, doubts remain about whether all additional work can be completed in time to begin university operations.

The ministry has also initiated steps to replace the University Grants Commission (UGC) with a Bangladesh Higher Education Commission—another reform unlikely to materialise during the interim government’s remaining tenure.

More than 600,000 teachers and employees at MPO-enlisted non-government educational institutions nationwide receive government salary support. Their welfare and retirement benefits are managed by two bodies: the Welfare Trust for Non-Government Educational Institution Teachers and Employees, and the Retirement Benefits Board.

According to the latest data from the Retirement Benefits Board, teachers and employees have not received retirement benefits since December 2021. The situation at the Welfare Trust is the same.

Ministry sources say education adviser CR Abrar sent a demi-official letter to finance adviser Salehuddin Ahmed on 12 November, explaining the situation and seeking Tk 71.76 billion for retirement benefits and Tk 28.13 billion for the Welfare Trust.

Even after all this time, the Ministry of Education has failed to form full boards for either institution, both of which continue to operate under temporary arrangements.

Some progress has been made: upgrading primary school headteachers to Grade 10, increasing house rent allowances for MPO-enlisted staff, revising manpower structures and MPO policies, addressing stalled promotions and transfers within the education cadre, and initiating MPO enlistment and NTRCA-led recruitment for principals and headteachers at non-government institutions.

Still, overall conditions in the education sector during the interim government’s tenure have been disappointing, says BRAC University emeritus professor Manzoor Ahmed.

He told Prothom Alo that expectations existed but were not fulfilled.

“From the beginning, education was not truly prioritised through political commitment—this has been true of all governments,” he said.

Professor Ahmed noted that expectations were particularly high for the interim government to break this pattern, but that hope has failed.

While acknowledging the government’s limited capacity to solve all problems, he said it could at least have initiated a comprehensive, long-term vision for education.