Expectation of choosing preferred candidate without obstruction

TIB Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman addresses of media conference to publish a research report titled “One Year After the Fall of an Authoritarian Regime: Expectations and Reality” at Midas Centre in Dhanmondi, Dhaka, on 4 August 2025Prothom Alo

After a prolonged period marked by immense public expectation and deep political uncertainty surrounding the 13th national parliamentary election, the country is finally voting today, Thursday.

This moment carries not only the responsibility of organising a free, fair, and credible election, but also the sacred duty of laying the foundation for fulfilling a blood-stained collective aspiration.

When financial power, coercion, and religious manipulation converge with patriarchal and majoritarian authority, not only ordinary citizens but also women, religious and ethnic minorities, indigenous communities, persons with disabilities, and other marginalised groups face serious risks in exercising their voting rights.

It is hoped that, through a genuinely participatory and peaceful process, voters, regardless of identity or position, will be able to choose their preferred candidates freely and without obstruction, influence, fear, or risk. The extent to which this expectation will be realised, however, will only be revealed on election day itself.

Alongside these expectations, there are concerns regarding five elements that shape our political and electoral capital in this election: money, muscle power, religion, patriarchy, and majoritarianism.

Electoral politics in the country has long been overly dependent on these factors, and their growing prominence has become a major obstacle to establishing a level playing field. Their interaction creates avenues for dominant parties, candidates, and supporters to secure unfair advantages.

When financial power, coercion, and religious manipulation converge with patriarchal and majoritarian authority, not only ordinary citizens but also women, religious and ethnic minorities, indigenous communities, persons with disabilities, and other marginalised groups face serious risks in exercising their voting rights. Field-level information suggests that the severity of these risks has generated widespread anxiety.

The law and order situation in elections also remains a concern. In particular, the tendency among the government and the election commission to measure violence solely through physical incidents or casualty statistics reflects a one-dimensional view. Beyond conventional definitions, the creation of an atmosphere of fear must also be recognised as a form of violence.

This constitutes a major challenge for maintaining order. Moreover, violence is no longer confined to offline spaces; misinformation, smear campaigns, and intimidation through online platforms are destabilising voters psychologically. On election day, there may be a greater risk of sophisticated or strategic influence operations than of traditional forms of violence.

The BNP has taken an institutional decision to monitor the election, which may create a new type of strategic risk. Such a move could generate overlap and influence in the roles of neutral observers, the media, and the Election Commission.

When a political party attempts to establish its own sphere of influence through monitoring, it may hinder spontaneous participation by ordinary voters and undermine the environment for impartial observation.

Meanwhile, Jamaat has been attempting in some instances to exploit religious sentiment to mislead voters for political gain. Although there were initial signs of healthy competition during the early phase of campaigning, both sides are increasingly appearing captive to unhealthy power politics.

A major controversy surrounding this election—both domestically and internationally—is the formal non-participation of the Awami League, whose activities remain banned. Yet the party remains present in two ways. First, despite declaring non-participation, it is seeking to destabilise the electoral environment under the pretext of resistance. Second, its grassroots activists and supporters are participating in the election and, in many cases, are expected to vote.

Senior leaders of the party, even while incarcerated, have exercised their voting rights. Competition among other parties and candidates to attract Awami League votes at the field level is intense, with party activists actively engaging in the process. Thus, as voters, supporters, and invisible players, the Awami League remains very much present in this election.

The primary challenge before the next government will be to dismantle entrenched kleptocratic structures and establish an accountable system of governance. Civil society expects the formation of a fully democratic, well-governed, and corruption-free administration consistent with party manifestos, campaign pledges, and the spirit of the July national charter.

A clear, realistic, and time-bound plan is necessary to implement the recommendations of the reform commissions. The government must not merely wield state power but create an environment where it remains accountable to the people for every decision and action. Ensuring transparency and accountability in governance is indispensable to building a truly democratic Bangladesh.