DUCSU lags in fulfilling promises, leaders caught in controversy

Before the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) elections, the Islami Chhatra Shibir-backed panel "Oikkoboddho Shikkarthi Jote" (United Students' Alliance) had pledged to ensure legitimate seat allocations in the residential halls for every student from their first year. However, that promise has not been fulfilled.

Shafinur Rahman Tazim, a student of Amar Ekushey Hall from the 2025-26 academic session at Dhaka University, started his classes in April. Although nearly five months have passed, he has still not been allocated a seat in the hall.

"Since I didn't get a seat in my hall, I have to live in rented accommodation outside. This involves higher expenses as well as greater suffering," Shafinur said.

Today marks one year since the DUCSU elections. The voting for DUCSU was held on this day in 2025, where the Chhatra Shibir-backed Oikkoboddho Shikkarthi Jote (United Students' Alliance) panel won most of the posts. One year later, it appears that very few of DUCSU’s key promises regarding accommodation crises, food quality, campus safety and other critical areas have been fulfilled.

On the other hand, rival student organizations allege that DUCSU leaders have been involved in controversies more often than they have delivered on their promises.

Before the election, the panel had opposed subservient student politics, but DUCSU Vice-President (VP) Shadik Kayem himself later engaged in party-subservient politics with Jamaat-e-Islami and took part in the party’s election campaign. Some DUCSU leaders have also faced allegations of taking the law into their own hands and mobilising mob violence, among other controversies.

Some students and teachers of Dhaka university say that Islami Chhatra Shibir activists had previously interfered in students’ personal freedom in various ways at campuses under their control. Such incidents have not been seen to the same extent during DUCSU’s one-year tenure. There have also been no incidents of occupying halls or violent clashes over hall control. Classes and examinations were held smoothly. In this regard, the role of Chhatra Dal was also significant, as they were not seen attempting to occupy halls like before.

Tanzimuddin Khan, a professor of international relations at Dhaka University told Prothom Alo that there is no denying that some changes had taken place because of electoral politics. But it remains to be seen how long these changes can be sustained.

Dhaka University campus had historically been dominated by the student wing of the ruling party. For fifteen and a half years prior to July 2024, it was under the control of the now banned Chhatra League.

Chhatra League would allocate a large number of rooms in the halls to students of its choice. Those who did not meet its preferences were forced to leave. Forcing students to attend political processions and torturing them in the name of teaching manners in the hall guestrooms were common practices. Organising rallies and processions in support of the government and the Awami League and suppressing protests were the primary activities of Chhatra League on campus.

During the anti-discrimination student movement in July 2024, students drove Chhatra League activists out of the halls. After the fall of the Awami League government, the university administration took control of the halls. However, many leaders of Chhatra Dal and left-leaning student organisations alleged that monitoring teams, environment teams and other groups were formed at the time to exert influence over the administration. They claimed that many of those leading these committees were Chhatra Shibir activists posing as general students.

Prior to the July mass uprising, Chhatra Shibir was unable to carry out politics at Dhaka University. Following the uprising, Chhatra Shibir was able to establish its political presence on campus. At the same time, demands to ban subservient student politics grew stronger. General students demanded that such politics should not return to Dhaka University.

Against this backdrop, Chhatra Dal announced convening committees for the university’s halls in August 2025, triggering protests. The decision to keep student politics banned in the halls was subsequently upheld. Earlier, during the July uprising, hall authorities had banned student politics in the halls under pressure from students.

Chhatra Dal, however, alleged that Chhatra Shibir had orchestrated the protests in the name of general students to prevent Chhatra Dal from carrying out organisational activities in the halls. The party described it as a political manoeuvre.

In the DUCSU election held on 9 September, 2025, Shibir-backed panel won 23 of the 28 posts. Shadik Kayem became vice-president (VP), while SM Farhad became general secretary (GS). Chhatra Shibir-backed panels also won student union elections across five universities, not just Dhaka University.

In forming their panel, Shibir adopted a strategy of demonstrating diversity by including ethnic minorities and women.

The Chhatra Shibir-backed panel had promised 36 reforms within 12 months. DUCSU VP Shadik Kayem and GS SM Farhad told Prothom Alo that initiatives had been taken to implement all the commitments mentioned in the manifesto. They said, however, that not all the work could be completed because they did not receive adequate cooperation from the administration.

Shadik Kayem told Prothom Alo on 17 August that instead of asking the university for funds, they had only sought permission for their initiatives. Even at that level, he said, they had not received sufficient cooperation.

But Dhaka University Treasurer Professor M Jahangir Alam Chowdhury rejected the allegation. He told Prothom Alo that DUCSU had received more funds than the amount allocated to it.

Prothom Alo sent Shadik Kayem a list of the 36 manifesto commitments and asked how many had been fulfilled. According to his response, various committees had been formed and the hall unions had been conducting regular monitoring to ensure hygienic food for students. To address the accommodation crisis, a project worth Tk 28.41 billion had been inaugurated as part of a long-term plan. New buses had been arranged to ensure safe transport for female students, maternity leave had been introduced, online payment had been launched for the admission process, common rooms had been renovated, new resources had been added to the central library, a skill development summit had been organised and the university medical centre had been modernised. The number of bus trips had also been increased, while various halls had started providing free hygiene products to female students, among other initiatives.

Some students, however, say the Chhatra Shibir-backed panel has failed to bring sustainable and lasting changes in the areas covered by its manifesto. Food quality remains largely unchanged. The campus is still not safe, with incidents of mob violence repeatedly taking place. There has also been little progress in reducing students’ difficulties at the Registrar Building.

Food quality remains one of the biggest problems for Dhaka University students and was one of the key priorities in the manifesto. There was increased monitoring for some time after the DUCSU election and the initiative received considerable publicity. However, worms, razor blades and cockroaches have recently been found in food served at the canteens of several halls.

Tasfian Ahmed, a student from the 2023–24 academic session, told Prothom Alo, ‘They raised demands and held meetings, then publicised those efforts as their own initiatives. But the students’ problems were not solved. Can that really be called fulfilment of the manifesto?’

The 36-point manifesto contained several specific commitments concerning female students. Work has been undertaken on breastfeeding rooms, childcare corners, safe transport and self-defence training. The deadline for female students to enter the halls has also been extended by one hour. However, some commitments, including access to halls for non-resident female students, appointing female staff in all common rooms and setting up guardian lounges in the halls, have not been implemented.

Before the DUCSU election, the panel had pledged to create a safe campus for women. But there has been little progress on this front, according to Prionti, a student of Samsunnahar Hall. Israt Jahan, another student of the same hall, said she returns to the hall after tutoring at night. On her way back, she often encounters drug users and vagrants who frequently harass female students.

‘If you are afraid even while moving around the campus, how can it be called a safe campus?’ she said.

Although there had been a movement at Dhaka University against subservient student politics, Shadik Kayem and Assistant General Secretary Mohiuddin Khan took part in Jamaat-e-Islami’s election campaign during the national election. Jamaat has also named Shadik Kayem as its candidate for the Dhaka South City Corporation election. This has raised questions about whether Chhatra Shibir has actually stayed away from subservient politics.

Several DUCSU leaders have been involved in various controversies, including alleged abuse of power in the name of eviction drives, forcing children who went to play on fields to perform sit-ups while holding their ears, harassing an Awami League-backed teacher, distributing cigarettes at a concert, distorting the history of the Liberation War, arguing with transgender people and having only three people present at the National Martyrs’ Memorial on Independence Day.

Nahiduzzaman Shipon, general secretary of the Dhaka University unit of Chhatra Dal, told Prothom Alo that before the DUCSU election, Chhatra Shibir’s panel had tried to portray itself as neutral and non-partisan. ‘Immediately after the election, DUCSU began implementing Jamaat’s agenda,’ he said.

Some believe that the most important indicators for assessing the state of a university are whether there is a culture of fear, academic freedom and space for free thought and freedom of expression.

Professor Tanzimuddin Khan believes that the authoritarian political culture and culture of fear against which the mass uprising took place have returned following the DUCSU election.

Referring to tendencies such as exerting undue influence over university administration decisions, creating mobs, taking the law into one’s own hands and attaching various negative labels to opponents, Tanzimuddin Khan said that there were times when it was difficult to find any difference between the methods used by some DUCSU leaders and those previously used by Chhatra League leaders, now banned.

Teachers and students believe that DUCSU elections must be held regularly to preserve whatever positive changes have taken place. The DUCSU election was held in 2025 after a six-year gap following the previous election in 2019. Before that, an election had been held 25 years ago, in 1990.

DUCSU’s term will end on 14 September. If no election is held, its term will be extended by three months. If an election is still not held during that period, the current student union will be dissolved.

Asked whether an election would be held, Dhaka University Vice-Chancellor Professor ABM Obaidul Islam told Prothom Alo, ‘The DUCSU election should certainly be held. It must be held.’

Despite the vice-chancellor’s assurances, doubts remain among many. This is because political governments have generally been reluctant to allow DUCSU elections to take place.