Gono rooms and guest rooms abolished, not torture through ‘tagging’

After the July mass uprising, the oppressive culture of gono rooms (a large overcrowded, mass-living room) and guest rooms in the residential halls of Dhaka University has come to an end. The tendency of forcibly taking students to programmes organised by the ruling party’s student wing has also stopped. The quality of food in canteens of various halls has improved compared to before. However, even in the post-uprising period, the culture of abusing and harassing anyone by attaching a “tag” to them remains on campus much like before.

With the fall of the Awami League government on 5 August 2024, the absolute dominance of its student organisation Bangladesh Chhatra League (now banned) also came to an end.

During the rule of the Awami League (now barred from activities), beating students on suspicion of being members of Islami Chhatra Shibir was almost a routine occurrence on the campus of DU. These acts were carried out by leaders and activists of Bangladesh Chhatra League.

Now, incidents are occurring where people are beaten, tortured, and handed over to police after being tagged as supporters of Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) or accomplices of fascism.

Previously, Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, had no opportunity to operate openly on campus. Since 5 August 2024, Chhatra Shibir leaders and activists have been openly engaging in politics on campus. The elected leadership of the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) is now also from Chhatra Shibir. Most hall union leaders are Chhatra Shibir-backed as well. Alongside Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), left-leaning student organisations, several Islamist student organisations, and the student wing of the National Citizen Party (NCP)—Jatiya Chhatra Shakti—are now active on campus.

To examine what changes have taken place on the DU campus after the fall of the Awami League government in the mass uprising, Prothom Alo spoke with 12 students. One of them was Rafsan Islam, a residential student of Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haq Hall. He enrolled at the university in 2022. Rafsan, a student of the department of World Religions and Culture, believes that previously the campus was controlled by Chhatra League. There were gono rooms in the halls. Students were summoned to guest rooms and tortured. None of these exist anymore. The quality of canteen food has also improved somewhat.

However, in Rafsan’s view, several problems still remain, including harassment in the registrar building, classroom shortages, and mugging in areas adjacent to the campus. The housing crisis has also not been fully resolved. After the DUCSU and hall union elections, extracurricular activities have increased somewhat. Cultural events and concerts that previously took place on campus have now undergone some transformation. Since the July mass uprising, events such as qawwali performances, Seerat evenings, and puthi recitations have increased on campus.

Almost all of the 12 students who spoke to Prothom Alo said that hall administrations are now allocating seats based on applications from new students, merit lists, and permanent addresses. The reading room environment in different halls has also improved compared to before. Previously, the condition of the university medical centre was extremely poor, and the building itself was damp. After the July uprising, it was renovated and equipped with improved medical equipment. Development work at the medical centre is ongoing.

DU currently has 18 halls—13 for male students and five for female students. In addition, there is another hall for foreign students. There are also five hostels, each attached to one of the halls. According to university administration sources, accommodation is available for about 19,000 students in different halls. However, around 22,000 students actually live there.

According to information on the university website, the university currently has 37,018 students and 1,992 teachers.

During the tenure of the AL government, everything—from deciding who would stay in which hall room to controlling canteens—was under the authority of Bangladesh Chhatra League. There were allegations that some leaders ate for free and extorted money from hall canteens. To recover those costs, canteen managers served low-quality food to ordinary students.

Although many departments and institutes were opened at the university during the tenure of the Awami League without adequate preparation, housing facilities were not expanded accordingly. This created a severe accommodation crisis at the university.

Many people remained in halls even after their student status ended, worsening the crisis further. In this context, the “gono room” system emerged, where new students were crammed together in overcrowded rooms. Political loyalty was tied to this system. It became difficult to stay in the halls without participating in the BCL programmes.

In a large gono room called “Laden Guha” at Masterda Surjo Sen Hall, around 60 students used to stay. Now no student has to stay there. More than 25 students used to stay in Room 18 of the tin-shed building at Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haq Hall; now only eight students stay there. In Rooms 1013 and 1014 of the hall’s extended building, 30 students stayed in each room previously, meaning 60 students in total. Now only eight students stay in each room.

On the other hand, “guest rooms” functioned as a kind of “court” run by BCL. Students were mentally and sometimes physically tortured there in the name of teaching them “manners.” If someone did not attend Chhatra League programmes, they faced “trial” in the guest room. That oppression no longer exists.

According to Dipjoy Sarkar, a student of the Sociology Department, everyone now wants to ensure that the old political culture never returns to campus.

He told Prothom Alo that it must be ensured by any means necessary that no student wing of any political party can again occupy halls or revive the culture of gono rooms and guest rooms.

After the mass uprising, leaders of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, Islami Chhatra Shibir, Jatiya Chhatra Shakti, along with leftist and Islamist student organisations, have all spoken against the culture of gono rooms, guest rooms, and eating for free.

Nahiduzzaman, general secretary of the JCD at DU, told Prothom Alo that there is no opportunity for the gono room and guest room culture to return. Previously, due to coercive politics, Chhatra League controlled hall seat allocation through the administration. That situation no longer exists.

Muhammad Mohiuddin Khan, president of the Islami Chhatra Shibir at DU and AGS of DUCSU, believes that no student organisation should have involvement in hall seat allocation.

He told Prothom Alo that in the past, the student wing of the ruling party controlled the halls and the administration was also under their influence. That tendency has stopped.

To inform students about torture in guest rooms and gono rooms, JCD hung a banner in the first week of May this year at the guest room of Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haq Hall titled “The Chronicle of the Guest Room.” The banner accused six individuals—including Chhatra Shibir and hall union leaders—of involvement in past guest room torture. As “evidence,” screenshots of several text messages sent to some students were attached to the banner.

Regarding the publication of “The Chronicle of the Guest Room,” Hasibur Rahman, convener of the hall unit Chhatra Dal, told Prothom Alo on 5 May that many who stayed in gono rooms had no alternative. Due to lack of financial ability, they were forced under pressure to stay there. But those who “called” students to guest rooms and physically and mentally tortured them did not do so under pressure. It was entirely to demonstrate excessive “Chhatra League-style” behaviour. To prove themselves as part of Chhatra League while secretly belonging to other organisation, they chose the path of torture and repression.

After the July mass uprising, incidents of clashes and violence on campus have decreased compared to before. However, during the tenure of the interim government, fear of “mobs” emerged. Allegations of involvement in such incidents have been raised mostly against DUCSU Social Welfare Secretary Zubair Bin Neshari (AB Zubayer) and Literary and Cultural Affairs Secretary Musaddiq Ali Ibn Mohammad, who were elected with support from Shibir. Some leaders and activists of Jatiya Chhatra Shakti have also been accused of involvement in mobs.

On 9 March, during the holy month of Ramadan, student Rahid Khan (known as Pavel) of the 2020–21 academic sessions was beaten on campus during sehri time. He was accused of being involved with Chhatra League and attacks on students during the July mass uprising, though he denied the allegations. Some leaders and activists of Jatiya Chhatra Shakti were involved in the attack on Rahid.

The incident displayed patterns that were also seen during the Awami League government, such as attempts to prevent someone from entering campus and checking mobile phones.

Saifullah, organisational secretary of the DU unit of Chhatra Shakti and accused in the attack on Rahid, told Prothom Alo that day that Rahid’s parents had taken him away on the condition that he would not return to campus. When they tried to check his phone after catching him, he “reacted” instead. They later detained him and handed him over to the police.

Two days before the attack on Rahid, police detained a student of DU in the Chankharpul area for playing Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s 7 March speech over loudspeakers. In protest, former VP of Shamsunnahar Hall parliament Sheikh Tasnim Afroze (Emi) organised a programme in front of Shahbagh Police Station to play the 7 March speech over loudspeakers.

Emi was accompanied there by Abdullah Al Mamun, assistant secretary of the Chhatra League’s Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haq Hall unit. He was beaten by Mosaddek Ibn Ali Mohammad and Zubair Bin Neshari. Some Chhatra Shakti leaders and activists also joined the assault. Emi was also harassed there.

Later, Emi, Mamun, and three others were sent to jail after being shown arrested in a case filed under the Anti-Terrorism Act at Shahbagh Police Station. After spending two months in jail, Imi was released on bail on 7 May.

The incident in which Sociology department professor AKM Jamal Uddin was harassed on campus also drew attention. DUCSU leader AB Zubayer was involved in that harassment.

However, on 24 April, DUCSU leaders Zubayer and Musaddiq themselves became victims of a “mob” at Shahbagh Police Station. That day they were beaten by some leaders and activists of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal. Later, several top leaders of Chhatra Dal played a role in rescuing them.

Nahiduzzaman, general secretary of the DU unit of Chhatra Dal, considers Musaddiq and AB Zubayer to be “secret leaders” of Shibir. He told Prothom Alo, “Using these two in front, Shibir creates mobs on campus through its covert leaders and activists. Through these mobs, Shibir tries to implement various agendas.”

However, Miftahul Hossain Al Maruf, publicity and media secretary of the Dhaka University unit of Islami Chhatra Shibir, told Prothom Alo, “What matters is whether students are accepting our work or not. We have no reason to think differently because a particular class of student organisation or people of a particular ideology tagged us with certain names or made allegations against us.”

Alongside mobs, several other incidents also created fear on campus during the interim government period. For example, questions were raised from different quarters over the process through which hawkers were evicted from campus last October under the leadership of DUCSU leader Zubair Bin Neshari and Sarbamitra Chakma. There were also allegations that many hawkers were beaten during the eviction.

In January this year, Sarbamitra Chakma, elected to DUCSU from the Shibir panel, sparked discussion by making several youths and teenagers perform sit-ups while holding their ears at the university’s central playground.

This incident drew huge flak when videos of the incident spread on Facebook. Earlier, in November, he had threatened an elderly man on campus while carrying a stick. Videos of that incident also spread widely on social media and provoked strong reactions.

At a roundtable discussion titled “Post-Uprising University: Contemporary Realities,” the University Teachers’ Network said that “the incidents of repression and mobs now reappearing on campus have created fears that a culture of fear may return.”

At the discussion held in Dhaka last Saturday, the Teachers’ Network also said that during the interim government period, “moral policing” had been encouraged on campuses under the name of “pressure groups.” Newly elected student representatives had emerged as a new attacking force against teachers and students.

Mohammed Almujaddade Alfasane, pro-Vice Chancellor (administration) of DU, said the university administration is now very strict against mobs. He said, “Our message regarding mobs is extremely clear. If there is any attempt to create any kind of mob anywhere in the university, the current university administration will take swift action.”

During the rule of the Awami League, no one except pro-Awami League teachers was appointed to administrative positions such as Vice Chancellor, pro-Vice Chancellor, or hall Provost at DU. The same continuity is now being seen under the current Bangladesh Nationalist Party government.

Various administrative posts are now occupied by pro-BNP teachers. In the two years since the July uprising, no initiative has been taken to elect a VC panel in the university senate. Moreover, elections to the Dhaka University Teachers' Association have not been held for two years.

At Saturday’s Teachers’ Network discussion, former University Grants Commission member Mohammad Tanzimuddin Khan commented that VC positions in universities had been distributed among different political parties during the interim government period.

After the July uprising, the accommodation crisis eased somewhat because non-students left the halls. However, the crisis has still not been completely resolved. In particular, not all first-year students are getting seats in the halls.

Apart from this, seat shortages in the university library and classroom shortages in some departments also remain. The university’s central and science libraries have a combined seating capacity of 1,900, including 1,300 seats in the central library. This is insufficient compared to the number of students.

Classroom shortages are most severe in the university’s Arts Building. Among the departments located there, the departments of Psychology, Anthropology, Islamic History and Culture, Urdu, Philosophy, Bangla, and the Institute of Health Economics face the greatest shortages. Students from these departments often have to move from floor to floor to attend classes.

When foreign universities contact DU to verify someone’s academic credentials, the university authorities charge fees for the service. Students have expressed frustration over this issue. On 7 April, a group of students staged a protest programme over the matter.

In front of the VC’s office, they organised a symbolic training programme titled “Mail Verification and Receiving Calls.” Students said that in such cases, the university authorities take far too long to send emails to foreign universities and often do not respond at all. The programme stated that this situation is unacceptable in any way.

Pro-VC Mohammed Almujaddade Alfasane said the current administration is sincere about solving various campus problems. He said that whatever may have happened before, from now on they are trying to conduct everything according to proper rules.