45 years since Zia's assassination: The blood-stained dawn at Circuit House and an unfinished history

Forty-five years ago, at dawn on 30 May 1981, the silence of the Chattogram Circuit House was shattered by bursts of machine-gun fire. President and BNP founder Ziaur Rahman was staying there at the time. He had arrived in Chattogram the previous day to help resolve internal disputes within his party. Before daybreak, that visit had turned into one of the bloodiest chapters in Bangladesh's political history.

At the time, the Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Chattogram was Ziauddin M Chowdhury. His residence was on DC Hill, about a mile from the Circuit House. In the early hours of the morning, the sound of gunfire woke him from sleep. A guard informed him that the shots appeared to be coming from the direction of the Circuit House.

Later, Moshtaq, an assistant protocol officer, called him from the government garage adjacent to the Circuit House. He reported that at around 4:00 am, several army vehicles had entered the Circuit House compound while firing their weapons. Hiding beneath a table in the dining room, he had heard the sound of heavy boots, footsteps ascending the stairs, and further gunfire.

A short time later, Divisional Commissioner Saifuddin telephoned the Deputy Commissioner to inform him that President Zia had been killed. Accompanied by the Divisional Commissioner, Ziauddin M Chowdhury then went to the Circuit House. There, he found the main gate open. There was no effective guard presence and no sign of the army. On the upper floor, near the door of the President's room, lay the body of Ziaur Rahman, covered with a white sheet.

This scene, described in Ziauddin M Chowdhury''s book ''Dui Generaler Hotyakando: 1981-er Berthyo Samorik Obbhyuthan'' (''Two Generals'' Killings: The Failed Military Coup of 1981'') is more than the recollection of an eyewitness; it is another stark and tragic image from the history of state power in Bangladesh. Yet even after 45 years, the full story behind the events has not been completely clarified.

Ziaur Rahman''s visit to Chattogram was arranged at short notice. In his book, Ziauddin M. Chowdhury writes that Zia visited Chattogram almost every month. In particular, after the deployment of the army in the Chittagong Hill Tracts to suppress the insurgent force known as the Shanti Bahini, traveling through Chattogram to inspect military camps in the hill region had become a regular part of his schedule.

However, his final visit in May 1981 was different.

Just two weeks earlier, Ziaur Rahman had visited Cox's Bazar to observe a military exercise. The local administration had received no indication that he would return to Chattogram so soon. Later, they were informed unexpectedly that the President would be coming to Chattogram for urgent political reasons.

He was scheduled to stay for only one day. Since the visit was political in nature, no official government programs were arranged. However, the Deputy Commissioner and the Divisional Commissioner were instructed to remain nearby so that they could provide assistance if needed.

According to Ziauddin's account, those accompanying the President on the visit included AQM Badruddoza Chowdhury, then Secretary General of BNP; Amina Rahman, then a member of the BNP Standing Committee; Maidul Islam, then a BNP leader and minister; and several members of the President's personal staff. Deputy Prime Minister Jamaluddin Ahmed was already in Chattogram.

Present at the airport to receive the President were the Divisional Commissioner, the Police Commissioner, the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police, the local chiefs of the Navy and Air Force, Deputy Speaker Sultan Ahmed Chowdhury, and ASM Yusuf, president of Chittagong District BNP.

Normally, the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 24th Infantry Division in Chattogram, Major General MA Manzoor, would be present at the airport on such occasions. However, he was absent that day. In his place was Brigadier Aziz. Manzoor's absence was considered unusual even at the time.

The primary reason for the President''s visit was an internal dispute within the Chattogram chapter of the BNP. The local leadership had split into two factions. One group was backed by Deputy Prime Minister Jamaluddin Ahmed, while the other was supported by Deputy Speaker Sultan Ahmed Chowdhury. The conflict within the party had escalated to such a degree that local activists were frequently involved in clashes, disrupting law and order in the city.

According to Ziauddin M. Chowdhury, even the police had found themselves overwhelmed while trying to contain the situation.

On the morning of 29 May 1981, after arriving at Chattogram Airport, Ziaur Rahman first went to the Circuit House. He later attended Friday prayers at Chandanpura Mosque. After returning from the mosque, he held a meeting at the Circuit House with local and central BNP leaders.
The meeting began at around 3:00 p.m. and continued well into the evening. It would become Ziaur Rahman's final political meeting in Chattogram, lasting until nearly midnight.

In his book ''Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood'', Anthony Mascarenhas does not portray Zia's assassination as merely an isolated military attack. In his account, its roots lay in the discontent that had accumulated within the armed forces after independence, the psychological divide between freedom-fighter officers and those who had returned from Pakistan, resentment over postings and promotions, Zia's centralised style of rule, and the growing tensions surrounding Major General MA Manzoor in Chattogram.

At the time, Manzoor was the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 24th Infantry Division in Chattogram. He was a decorated military officer who had been awarded the title Bir Uttam for his role in the Liberation War. According to Mascarenhas, the decision to transfer Manzoor—he had been posted to the Defence Services Command and Staff College in Dhaka—along with the grievances of several freedom-fighter officers close to him, accelerated the rebellion. His account also suggests that a number of officers, including Lieutenant Colonel Matiur Rahman, were deeply dissatisfied with Ziaur Rahman and the military leadership in Dhaka.

However, historical interpretations of these events are far from uniform. In later writings and interviews, Ziauddin M Chowdhury stated that he had observed both Zia and Manzoor closely. In his view, Manzoor's primary grievance was directed toward Hussain Muhammad Ershad, then the Army Chief, rather than toward Zia. He said he had never felt that relations between Zia and Manzoor were poor. He also expressed doubt about whether Manzoor was directly involved in Zia's assassination.
These differing assessments make the history of Ziaur Rahman's assassination even more complex and contested.

The attack on the Circuit House was swift, organised, and devastating. According to the official narrative, a group of rebel soldiers identifying themselves as the "Revolutionary Council" assassinated the president.
Radio broadcasts from Chattogram announced the death of Ziaur Rahman, citing Major General MA Manzoor as the source. Manzoor had identified himself as the sole spokesperson of the "Revolutionary Council." Until that announcement was aired by Chattogram Radio, many members of the local administration were still uncertain about what had actually happened.

Following the broadcast, panic spread throughout Chattogram. A curfew was imposed. Telecommunications with Dhaka were severed, while both road and air connections were suspended. Within a matter of hours, Chattogram became effectively isolated from the country's central government.

Meanwhile, in Dhaka, efforts began immediately to preserve constitutional continuity. Vice President Abdus Sattar assumed the responsibilities of Acting President. He met with cabinet members and the chiefs of the three armed services. The military leadership, including Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad, pledged loyalty to Sattar's government.

On the afternoon of 30 May, Justice Sattar addressed the nation via radio and television. A state of emergency was declared across the country. Public meetings, rallies, processions, and mass gatherings were prohibited. At the same time, a period of national mourning was announced following the President's death.

After the President’s death, the most sensitive question was, where was Ziaur Rahman’s body? Those who went to the Circuit House in the morning had seen the body. Later, between around 8:00 and 9:00 am, a military team arrived at the Circuit House and loaded Ziaur Rahman’s body, along with at least three others, into vehicles and took them to an undisclosed location.

The body was later secretly buried in the hilly area of Rangunia.
In a later interview with BBC Bangla, then Army Major Rezaul Karim Reza said he had been sent to the Circuit House to safely evacuate the soldiers stationed there.

According to Rezaul Karim’s account, he was initially asked to take charge of burying Ziaur Rahman’s body in the hill area, but he declined. The responsibility was then assigned to Major Shawkat Ali. With a few soldiers, Major Shawkat Ali reportedly transported the body and buried it in the hills.

Rezaul Karim also stated that the bodies of Colonel Ehsan and Captain Hafiz were buried in the same grave. Both of them had also been killed at the Circuit House that morning.

After Manzoor fled and the situation came somewhat under control, efforts began to recover the bodies. In his account, then Deputy Commissioner Ziauddin M Chowdhury wrote that they learned the body of Zia had not been taken to the cantonment.

Police from Rangunia Police Station later reported that, near the Bangladesh Tobacco Company, in an open area, soldiers had buried a body during the night. A local maulvi had assisted in the burial without knowing whose body it was.

News of Zia’s death spread. Local residents grew suspicious and informed the police. When the grave was exhumed, it was found to contain the mutilated body of Ziaur Rahman.After recovery, it was decided that the body of Ziaur Rahman would be taken directly to the Chattogram Cantonment. Ziauddin, Divisional Commissioner Saifuddin, and Superintendent of Police Maruf were involved in the process. Upon entering the cantonment, they found an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty. There was no guard at the main gate, and many officers were confused, some were even afraid to go outside.
In Ziauddin’s account, the situation inside the cantonment made him feel that stability had not yet returned; he also feared whether the country was heading toward another major political upheaval.

Later, Zia’s body was prepared at the Chattogram Cantonment. A military helicopter arrived from Dhaka. Before being flown to Dhaka, a funeral prayer (janaza) was held at the helipad at the request of soldiers. The body was then transported to Dhaka by helicopter.

Meanwhile, the BNP organised a gaibana janaza (symbolic absentee funeral) for Ziaur Rahman at Laldighi Maidan in Chattogram.
According to Deputy Commissioner Ziauddin’s account, when he went to the field around 4:00 pm, he saw a massive gathering of people, with more continuing to arrive. The scene surprised him, as Chattogram had been almost deserted for the previous two days after the assassination. Many local BNP leaders and activists had gone into hiding.However, once it became clear that the rebellion had failed, they began returning to the city.

Ziauddin wrote that seeing the gathering of hundreds of thousands reminded him of 15 August 1975 in Dhaka. The difference, he noted, was that in Chattogram the streets filled with people again within two days because the uprising had failed. In 1975, the uprising in Dhaka had not failed.

The rebellion in Chattogram collapsed quickly. By 31 May, the cantonment that had been in a state of battle on 30 May began to split. Many officers and soldiers abandoned the rebels and pledged allegiance to the government of Acting President Sattar.

On the night of 31 May, Major General Manzoor left the Chattogram Cantonment. He was accompanied by his wife, four children, and several military officers, including Major Rezaul Karim, who was serving as his security officer.

In a description given to Prothom Alo in 2024, Rezaul Karim said that their convoy moved through the Hathazari area of Chattogram with the intention of heading toward Khagrachhari. After traveling some distance into a hilly area, they suddenly heard the sound of gunfire ahead. They then noticed that some soldiers were running toward the hills.

At that point, General Manzoor ordered the vehicle to turn back. However, the vehicle they were traveling in suddenly broke down.

They then continued in another vehicle toward the rear, during which they became separated from Colonel Matiur Rahman. According to Rezaul Karim’s account, Colonel Matiur Rahman was likely killed during the exchange of gunfire on the road.

According to Major Rezaul Karim’s account, General Manzoor and his family left the disabled vehicle behind and began walking toward a nearby village. The area had tea gardens. At one point, General Manzoor went to the house of a tea garden worker because his children were hungry, and food was arranged for them there.

Rezaul Karim said, “While they were eating, we suddenly heard dogs barking. Then we noticed that a group of police officers in khaki uniforms were visible at some distance in the hilly area. At that point, General Manzoor said that he would surrender to the police. As the police officers began moving forward, General Manzoor stood inside the forest.”

After Manzoor surrendered to the police, he, his wife, his children, and Rezaul Karim were taken to Hathazari Police Station. There, General Manzoor reportedly wanted to speak to journalists, but police officials told him that speaking to the media would not be allowed.

Ziauddin M Chowdhury’s book provides a clearer picture of the administrative confusion surrounding Manzoor. After the absentee funeral at Lal Dighi, Superintendent of Police Maruf informed him that Manzoor had been located in a village in Fatikchhari. Ziauddin then instructed the police to ensure that they took Manzoor into custody before the army could, fearing that the military might take a different course of action instead of arresting him.

Later, the police reported that Manzoor had been brought to Hathazari Police Station along with his family. However, a new crisis emerged there. Thousands of people gathered outside the station. Shortly afterward, a military captain and an armed group of soldiers arrived, demanding that Manzoor be handed over to the army, arguing that he was a military officer.

Meanwhile, Manzoor reportedly insisted on being sent to jail under police custody and refused to return to the cantonment.

Communication was then made with Dhaka. Before taking a final decision, Justice Sattar stated that he would consult the Army Chief, Hussain Muhammad Ershad. Eventually, the order was issued to hand over Manzoor to the military personnel.

According to Ziauddin’s account, the waiting soldiers brought Manzoor out of the police lock-up, tied him up, and placed him in a jeep. His wife and children were placed in a separate jeep. That was the last time Manzoor was seen by his family or any civilian.

Later, Manzoor was killed at the Chattogram Cantonment (he was shot dead shortly after being taken there). His death remains one of the most unresolved chapters of the Zia assassination case. Had he remained alive, it is still unknown what he might have said in court, what details he might have revealed about the planning of the assassination, or how he would have explained his own role.

After Zia’s assassination, military trials were concluded quickly. Officers accused of involvement in the rebellion were tried and 13 military officers were executed by hanging. Others received varying prison sentences. However, questions about the trial never ceased. Critics argued that the process was rushed, the opportunity for defence was limited, and the broader political and military context behind the events was never fully investigated. The military court delivered punishment, but not answers to all historical questions.

Ziauddin M Chowdhury stated that both a judicial inquiry committee and a military investigation committee were formed regarding the assassination. Both recorded his testimony, but the judicial inquiry report was never published. That unpublished report, Manzoor’s premature death, and the rapid military trials together have kept the event deeply shrouded in mystery.

The case of Manzoor’s killing also remained unresolved for a long time. In 1995, his brother filed a case. The trial continued for many years. At one point, former President Hussain Muhammad Ershad was the principal accused. Later, after Ershad and Major General Abdul Latif died, they were removed from the list of accused. However, the prolonged legal process still did not resolve the fundamental questions in public perception.

Ziaur Rahman’s death marked a major turning point in Bangladesh’s politics. He had been a sector commander during the Liberation War, an officer associated with the declaration of independence, later the Army Chief, President, and founder of the BNP. The party he founded had not yet fully transformed from a personality-centered and state-dependent structure into a fully institutional political organisation.

His death came as a major shock to the BNP. Although Justice Sattar maintained constitutional continuity, civilian political leadership weakened significantly. Within less than a year, in 1982, Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad seized power in a coup.

In that sense, the assassination of Ziaur Rahman was not merely the killing of a head of state. It was a major test of Bangladesh’s civil-military relations, civilian authority, state security, and the fragility of party politics.
The assassination marked another bloody turn in the continuing instability of state power that had begun after 1975. It reflected tensions within the armed forces between loyalty and dissent, a crisis of political legitimacy, the conflict between swift justice and the search for truth, and a stark example of the breakdown of the state’s security apparatus.

Looking back after 45 years, certain facts are clear. At dawn on 30 May, President Ziaur Rahman was killed at the Chattogram Circuit House. Rebel soldiers attempted to establish control in Chattogram. In Dhaka, Justice Sattar assumed responsibility as acting head of state. Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad announced efforts to suppress the rebellion. The uprising in Chattogram quickly collapsed. In military trials, 13 individuals were executed. Major General Manzoor was killed while in military custody after surrendering.

However, even larger questions remain unresolved. How far did the assassination plot extend? Was it a limited rebellion by a group of disgruntled officers in Chattogram, or part of a broader military-political calculation? What was Manzoor’s actual role? What might have been revealed if he had been brought before a court? How did the Circuit House security collapse so easily? Why was the judicial inquiry report never made public? Did the military trials uncover the truth, or were they primarily intended to quickly restore state stability through punishment?

Until these questions are answered, 30 May 1981, remains not just a past event. It continues to exist as an unfinished file in Bangladesh’s political history. On that bloodied dawn at the Chattogram Circuit House, a President was killed, but alongside that, uncomfortable questions about the relationship between the state, the military, and power came to the surface. Even 45 years later, that file has not been fully closed. Some pages of that history remain blank, where the final truth has not been written.

Sources: ''Dui Generaler Hotyakando: 1981-r Byartho Samorik Obhyutthan'' by Ziauddin M Chowdhury; ''Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood'' by Anthony Mascarenhas; Prothom Alo reports and interviews (2024–2025); BBC Bangla reports; and research works on the Zia assassination case.