Abdul Bari, the BNP’s (BAngladesh Nationalist Party) assistant secretary for religious affairs, had sought the party’s nomination in the 13th parliamentary election from Netrokona-2 (Sadar–Barhatta).
He did not get the nomination. Last month, however, the BNP government appointed him chairman of the Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Corporation (BIWTC).
The decision to place the party’s assistant secretary for religious affairs at the helm of an organisation responsible for inland water transport has raised a question: Is the BNP government using positions in state-run organisations to accommodate party leaders who were denied nominations or positions within the party?
BIWTC is not the only example. At least 11 party leaders have been appointed to head various state-run organisations. In addition, party leaders have been appointed as administrators of 63 district councils and 11 city corporations.
District councils and city corporations are political bodies whose chairpersons and mayors are elected. But the chairpersons or managing directors of state-run organisations are not elected; they are appointed by the government.
According to the Ministry of Public Administration, politicians were appointed to senior positions in several government institutions, including the Bangladesh Rural Development Board, as early as 1972, soon after independence. Similar appointments were made under successive governments, but generally on a limited scale.
This time, however, the BNP government has significantly increased the appointment of politicians to senior positions in state-run organisations. That has raised another question: Is the BNP following the “spoils system” of the United States by placing party loyalists in government positions?
Under the spoils system, a newly elected government appoints its supporters or loyalists to important government positions. Political appointments of this kind have a long history in the United States. The term “spoils system” began to gain currency around 1812.
In 1832, New York senator William L. Marcy used the phrase “to the victor belong the spoils” while defending the practice of political appointments during the presidency of Andrew Jackson.
The spoils system contributed to corruption, nepotism and inefficiency in the US administration. The Pendleton Act of 1883 introduced merit-based recruitment and competitive examinations, limiting political appointments. Even so, Peter van Keulen, founder of Dutch consultancy Public Matters, has noted in an article that a new US administration still makes around 4,000 political appointments.
For key political appointments, candidates are first screened. The process is handled by a committee led by the vice-president or another senior political figure. The president then nominates candidates from the committee’s shortlist.
The nominations are sent to Senate committees, where nominees face extensive questioning to assess their competence and qualifications. The appointments are ultimately confirmed through a vote.
In Bangladesh, the BNP government has prioritised political loyalty in making these appointments. But unlike the US system, there has been no formal hearing to assess the appointees’ expertise or qualifications. Neither Parliament nor any party committee has scrutinised or interviewed the candidates before their appointments.
Asif Mohammad Shahan, a professor at the University of Dhaka’s Department of Development Studies, believes the recent appointments are essentially an effort to rehabilitate party figures.
He told Prothom Alo that a person’s sacrifices or loyalty to the party should not be considered a qualification for a government post. What should matter, he said, is whether the person is actually qualified for the position and whether they have relevant professional experience.
Rehabilitation for Bureaucrats
There are more than 350 departments, directorates, institutes, corporations and other government bodies under 58 ministries and divisions. Their top positions are generally filled by officials from the administration cadre.
The importance of many of these organisations has long been questioned. Yet successive governments have continued to maintain them, and they are often regarded as places for posting or rehabilitating bureaucrats.
The Public Administration Reform Commission, formed under the interim government, noted in its report that the government had formed an Administrative Reorganisation Committee in 1993. Headed by former secretary M Nurunnabi Chowdhury, the committee submitted its report in 1996. It recommended reducing the number of ministries from 35 to 22 and abolishing 47 government agencies. No serious initiative was subsequently taken to implement those recommendations.
Under the Awami League government, which was ousted in the July uprising, government officials considered close to the ruling party were routinely appointed to head state-run organisations. With only a few exceptions, these organisations failed to demonstrate any significant achievements. Instead, the inefficiency of many government bodies became a source of hardship for ordinary citizens.
Against this backdrop, the BNP government has begun appointing politicians to head state-run organisations instead of career bureaucrats.
The government has appointed BNP leaders to one-year contractual positions carrying the rank of an additional secretary (Grade 2). The basic salary for these positions ranges from Tk 66,000 to Tk 76,490. They are also entitled to a housing allowance equivalent to 50 per cent of their basic salary in Dhaka, a monthly medical allowance of Tk 1,500, an education allowance of Tk 500 per child and an entertainment allowance of Tk 900. Heads of these organisations are also provided with official vehicles for full-time use.
The positions, however, come with considerable authority. Chairpersons and heads of state-run organisations often have significant influence over procurement, financial transactions, projects and budget allocations, creating opportunities for irregularities. In the past, there have been allegations of abuse of such powers and corruption.
Who Was Appointed to Which Organisation?
1. Abdul Bari — Chairman, Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Corporation (BIWTC)
Abdul Bari, the BNP’s assistant secretary for religious affairs, studied public administration at the University of Dhaka. After being involved in Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal and Jubo Dal politics, he eventually secured a position on the BNP’s central committee.
BIWTC is the government-owned corporation responsible for inland and coastal passenger and cargo transport, as well as ferry services for vehicles. According to the Bangladesh Economic Survey 2024, the organisation has been running at a loss since the 2021–22 fiscal.
As more bridges are being built across Bangladesh’s rivers, the importance of BIWTC’s ferry operations is gradually declining. This has raised questions about whether institutional restructuring and implementation of the BNP’s election manifesto were considered when a party leader was appointed to head the organisation.
2. Zakir Hossan— Chairman, Bangladesh Handloom Board
Zakir Hossan, a former vice-president of the Jubo Dal central committee, has been appointed chairman of the Bangladesh Handloom Board.
Established in 1977, the Handloom Board has never been a major government priority. The number of handlooms and weavers in the country has been declining. According to the board, it operates 49 training centres and 35 basic centres across the country. These centres have failed to play a significant role; their main function is to provide loans to weavers.
There is little indication that the government has appointed a party leader to the board as part of a major new plan for the handloom sector or its workers. People familiar with the organisation say bureaucrats were previously posted there as a form of rehabilitation. This time, a politician appears to have been rehabilitated instead.
3. Kazi Rawnaqul Islam— Managing Director, Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCT)
Kazi Rawnakul Islam, the BNP’s assistant secretary for environment and forests, has been appointed managing director of the Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund. He studied at Jagannath University and previously served as president of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal.
The Climate Change Trust Fund was established in 2009, during the Awami League government, to address the impacts of climate change. It is a statutory body under the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. From its establishment through the 2025–26 fiscal year, more than Tk 40 billion has been allocated to the fund from the revenue budget.
A study published by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) on November 4 last year found that nearly Tk 21.11 billion had been wasted or misappropriated through irregularities and corruption in 891 projects approved under the climate fund between 2010 and 2024.
4. Benazir Ahmed — Chairman, Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation (BSCIC)
Benazir Ahmed, the BNP’s joint organising secretary for Dhaka division, has been appointed chairman of the Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation (BSCIC).
BSCIC was established in 1972, soon after independence, with the aim of promoting entrepreneurship and employment, reducing poverty and advancing industrialisation. But it has failed to fully achieve those objectives.
According to BSCIC sources, the corporation currently has 82 industrial estates across the country, with 12,360 industrial plots. Of these, 11,271 have been allocated, but only around 6,200 factories are operating on the allotted plots.
At least 10 BSCIC projects under the Annual Development Programme are currently underway, with a combined cost of around Tk 40 billion.
Benazir Ahmed told Prothom Alo that the government now wants to make BSCIC more effective and that this was the reason for his appointment.
5. Mamun Hasan — Chairman, Bangladesh Jute Corporation (BJC)
Mamun Hasan, who has been appointed chairman of the Bangladesh Jute Corporation, is a member of the BNP’s National Executive Committee and a former acting president of Jubo Dal.
He had sought the BNP’s nomination to contest the Dhaka-15 constituency (Kafrul–Mirpur) in the parliamentary election, but the party did not nominate him.
On the other hand, the Jute Corporation was established on 1 July, 1985, by merging five organisations involved in the purchase and marketing of jute. But amid continued losses and for administrative reasons, the BJC was declared defunct in 1993.
A liquidation cell was set up that year to oversee the process of winding it up. Yet 32 years later, the cell has still not completed its work. Apart from leasing out its properties, the corporation has little to do.
According to BJC sources, the corporation had around 686 acres of land when it was established. Between its dissolution in 1993 and 2012, around 391 acres were sold. The sale of its properties was halted in 2012. The corporation now has about 295 acres of land, of which 190 acres are illegally occupied. The corporation is currently involved in 282 lawsuits to recover these properties. Around 67 acres of the land under its possession have been leased out.
People familiar with the matter say Mamun Hasan’s appointment to the Jute Corporation amounts to little more than a political rehabilitation exercise. They say Mamun faced lawsuits and persecution during the previous government and was appointed to the post as a way of rewarding him.
6. Mosaddek Hossain Bulbul — Chairman, Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corporation
Mosaddek Hossain Bulbul, a former mayor of Rajshahi City Corporation, has been appointed chairman of the Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corporation. He is the BNP’s secretary for forest and environment affairs and studied at the University of Rajshahi.
The Bangladesh Forest Industries Development Corporation is a state-owned commercial organisation under the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. Established through an ordinance in 1959, it is one of the country’s oldest state-owned organisations. The corporation has been running at a loss year after year.
Its stated objectives include mechanised extraction of forest resources from remote areas, establishing rubber plantations, creating employment and reducing poverty. But the organisation has failed to achieve many of these objectives. There are questions about how much the new chairman will be able to do to turn the organisation around.
7. Salahuddin Sarker — Director General, Bangladesh Labour Welfare Foundation
Salahuddin Sarker, executive president of the central committee of the Jatiyatabadi Sramik Dal, has been appointed director general of the Bangladesh Labour Welfare Foundation.
8. Mohammad Rashedul Haque — Managing Director, Bangladesh Overseas Employment and Services Limited (BOESL)
Mohammad Rashedul Haque, the BNP’s secretary for international affairs, has been appointed managing director of Bangladesh Overseas Employment and Services Limited.
9. Mohammad Kamruzzaman — Executive Secretary, National Council for Social Welfare
Mohammad Kamruzzaman, a former central vice-president of Jubo Dal, has been appointed executive secretary of the National Council for Social Welfare.
10. Abdul Khalek — Chairman, Bangladesh Steel and Engineering Corporation
Abdul Khalek, the BNP’s joint organising secretary for Rangpur division, has been appointed chairman of the Bangladesh Steel and Engineering Corporation.
11. Shamsuzzaman — Chairman, Bangladesh Sugar and Food Industries Corporation
Shamsuzzaman, a member of the BNP’s National Executive Committee, has been appointed chairman of the Bangladesh Sugar and Food Industries Corporation.
The sugar corporation has been consistently loss-making. In the 10 years through the 2023–24 fiscal year, it accumulated losses of Tk 72.66 billion. The corporation operates 14 sugar mills, which collectively own large tracts of land.
Shamsuzzaman told Prothom Alo that Prime Minister Tarique Rahman had instructed him to reopen all closed factories. His main goal, he said, would be to restart the closed factories under the sugar corporation and make them profitable.
Meanwhile, last Sunday the government appointed Ashiqur Rahman Mahmud Wasim, chairman of the newly formed board of Cumilla WASA for a three-year term. He is general secretary of the BNP’s Cumilla South district unit.
Why the Political Appointments?
Conversations with BNP leaders and officials suggest three broad reasons behind the appointments.
First, many of these leaders played active roles in the movement against the previous government and had sought the BNP’s nomination in the 13th parliamentary election.
Some were denied nominations, while others had to withdraw from the race at the party’s direction. Their appointment to senior positions in government organisations has now given them greater political importance.
Second, the current government may not have enough trusted candidates within the bureaucracy to fill senior positions in state-run organisations.
Third, these organisations were previously run largely by bureaucrats but failed to deliver the desired results. The government is therefore replacing bureaucrats with politicians in the hope that they will perform better.
BNP Standing Committee member Gayeshwar Chandra Roy told Prothom Alo that his party believes it is impossible to implement the BNP government’s promises within the existing institutional structure. Things, he said, are not moving in the way the government wants. Party figures are therefore being appointed to key government positions to bring greater dynamism to the implementation of its agenda.
There are questions, however, about this argument. People familiar with the matter point out that education, healthcare, the economy and social welfare are far more important to the implementation of the BNP’s election manifesto. Organisations such as the Handloom Board or the Jute Corporation are not central to those priorities. Appointing party leaders to such bodies instead of bureaucrats, they argue, is essentially a form of political rehabilitation.
The Manifesto Promised Merit and Competence
The BNP’s election manifesto contains a section titled “Increasing Professionalism in State Institutions and Preventing Politicisation.”
It states that national institutions were rendered ineffective in the past in pursuit of narrow partisan interests. To prevent this, the BNP pledged to ensure the effectiveness and accountability of the state administration, police and all public institutions by appointing officials and employees based not on personal loyalty or political affiliation, but on integrity, competence, merit, qualifications, patriotism and experience.
In practice, however, political appointments have continued across the board. The BNP government has appointed vice-chancellors to around 50 universities, and teachers perceived as loyal to the party have largely been favoured in those appointments.
Former secretary and former rector of the Bangladesh Public Administration Training Centre (BPATC) A K M Abdul Awal Majumder told Prothom Alo: “Let us see who can run government organisations better—bureaucrats or politicians. Whoever can do the job better should be appointed.”