What will the election-time government look like?

Speculations abound in political circles over the 12th national parliamentary election. Will the government and the opposition hold talks, or not? Will BNP eventually join the election? If not, what political stance will it adopt? Will the government be able to handle the situation after yet another one-sided election? What role will Jamaat-e-Islami play? Will Jatiya Party once again lend its support to the government or will it take up an independent stand?

The essence of democracy is to reach a peaceful solution to problems by means of discussion and debate. But in the case of Bangladesh, there are very few instances where discussions have yielded positive results. Back in 1995, Sir Ninian came to Bangladesh on behalf of the Commonwealth, and in 2013 it was Fernandez-Taranco who came on behalf of the United Nations, to resolve the elections crisis. They held talks with the government and the opposition, but to no avail. In 2006, the Awami League general secretary and BNP secretary general held a series of talks, but could not reach any solution.

The nearer the election draws, the more the issue of an election-time government gains in importance. The ruling Awami League leaders also maintain that the present government will remain in power during the election. But the size and functions of the government will change somewhat. This government will only carry out routine work and will take no policy decisions. They will extend all cooperation to the election commission regarding the election. BNP and its allies claim that no matter what name it may be given, the election cannot be free and fair under the Awami League government. Even Awami League's 'mahajote' (grand alliance) ally Jatiya Party feels that the election will not be fair under a party government. However, they do not support BNP's caretaker system either.

So what will the structure of the election-time government be? Awami League says the present government, under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, will be the election-time government. BNP says, the present government must resign before the election and hand over power to a non-party government. Does that mean the election will be held without BNP, as in 2014? Will such an election be acceptable to the people? More importantly, will the people be able to exercise their right to vote? It must be kept in mind that the people are the deciding factor in an election. They must have open opportunity to choose their representatives. That opportunity does not exist in a one-sided election.

Awami League has also spoken of forming an all-party government comprising representatives from parties that are represented in parliament. Before the 1996 elections, BNP had proposed an election-time government with an equal number of members from the ruling party and the opposition, but Awami League rejected the proposal. Awami League had said that there can be no solution with Khaleda Zia as prime minister. Now BNP says that there can be no election-time government with Sheikh Hasina as prime minister.

So wherein lies the solution to the crisis? At the time back then, Awami League, Jatiya Party and Jamaat-e-Islami together had forced the government to amend the constitution. Will BNP be able to force Awami League's hand this time? And even if it does succeed to do so, does the country have the capacity to bear the endless losses that the people will have to suffer? Under the circumstances, it is imperative that the two sides hold discussions and reach a consensus regarding an election-time government.

Various formulas and frameworks have been touted in political circles concerning the structure of an election-time government. One such proposal is for 10 members of the present parliament to resign and be replaced by 10 non-party persons elected on consensus of both sides and then form an election-time government. In his book 'Abak Bangladesh: Bichitra Chhalanajaley Rajniti', former caretaker government advisor Akbar Ali Khan came up with a similar outline. He said, "The new caretaker government will have 20 members. In of the 20 seats, the government will select 10 non-party persons. The opposition will select 10 non-party persons for the remaining 10 seats. The prime minister will be elected from these 20 persons by means of secret ballot. If no one wins a majority through the ballot, the prime minister will be selected by means of lottery." ('Abak Bangladesh: Bichitra Chhalanajaley Rajniti', Prothoma Prokashon, 2017).

Another proposal was to form an election time government with 10 members of the present parliament, but these members will not contest in the election. It should not be difficult to choose 10 members of parties represented in parliament, who will sacrifice their personal interests in the greater interests of the nation. At least they will be able to call themselves 'former ministers' for the rest of their lives.

On Thursday, Samakal published report on BNP's outline of an election government. This stated that instead of a chief justice, an eminent citizen would be made head of the caretaker government. BNP feels that if a political consensus is reached as in 1990, it would be possible to form a non-party government while remaining within the constitution. They say that in 1996, it was out of respect for public opinion that BNP had agreed to the demand for a caretaker government. The Awami League government will also agree to the opposition's demand.

The reason why BNP calls for an eminent citizen to be the head of the caretaker government rather than the former chief justice, is because they contend that the former chief justice was a "party man" of Awami League. In was with the same contention that Awami League did not accept KM Hasan.

The government has not given any reaction to BNP's proposal as yet. But there are murmurs that talks may be held. On Tuesday, Salman F Rahman, private sector industry and investment advisor to the prime minister, said, "When they (BNP) say that we agree to join the election, we will agree to talks." In response, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said, first the government must declare that it will resign. The dialogue can be held.

The US and the European Union want the government and the opposition to have meaningful dialogue over the election.

The question is, what will the election-time government look like? The government does not mean 10 or 20 ministers. It means the entire state machinery, which includes civil and military administration and the law enforcement agencies. It will require 1.3 million to 1.4 million officials and employees to carry out the massive task for an election to 300 seats. If these persons involved in this election process overtly or covertly support any one side in the election, no matter how great the 10 or 20 persons of the election-time government may be, it will make no difference at all.

* Sohrab Hassan is the joint editor of Prothom Alo and a poet. He may be contacted at [email protected]

* This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir