When you were at the DB office, Prothom Alo called you, and news of your detention was published. Did you anticipate you were going to be arrested at that point?
Anis Alamgir: They came, claiming to inspect the gym. When I was about to leave, I saw them and it felt like a mob incident. When I asked them to leave, they said the DB chief had summoned me for questioning. That’s when I realised I was about to be arrested. Later, I learned that the decision to arrest me had already been made that morning on the instructions of the home affairs adviser. That’s why my movements were being tracked.
What happened at the DB office and afterwards?
Anis Alamgir: At the DB office, I was made to sit for several hours. As there was no formal lawsuit against me, they were waiting for instructions. Around 1:00 am, a trumped up case was presented. I told the DB chief that the allegations against me seemed to serve the interim government. They had heard everything but were confused about what to do. Later, however, the contrived case was used to formally arrest me.
I was then taken to a secluded room. It was dark and infested with mosquitoes; apparently, no mosquito control had ever been applied there. Next to it was an open drain. The smell and the mosquitoes made it impossible to sleep for almost 24 hours. The following evening, I was taken to court.
Afterwards, they moved me to another room in the DB office, while another detainee took my previous spot. A five-day remand order was obtained. Altogether, I spent seven days there. After remand, I was sent to Keraniganj Prison. My lawyer had requested a division and the order was issued in favour of that. But this was ignored. I was placed in what they call “import”, the observation ward for new inmates.
The following morning they roughly transferred me to Kashimpur Prison. There, I was held in a section that felt like yet another “import.” Hundreds of people shared a single room. Later, I was moved to a building called Madhumati, which housed many Awami League leaders. It was effectively a prison within a prison, entirely occupied by Awami League workers, most without official positions.
How was your life inside the prison? Who were you kept with in jail?
Anis Alamgir: The first month at Madhumati was extremely harsh. Thirty-five people were crammed into one room with no sleeping arrangements. At 6:00 am, they would count us, then unlock the lockup. There was nowhere to sit afterwards, so we had to stand.
At noon, they counted again, and around 4:30 pm, when we were put back in the lockup, they counted again. The jail wards that house the Awami League men are like prison within the prison. Other wards allowed prisoners outside time but this group could not go out. I also remained confined within these rotations.
Only after a month, when I was granted division, did living and food conditions improve slightly. Even then, there were 14–15 of us, including a few Awami League leaders and police officers. Division privileges still did not allow us outside access, which was the most painful aspect.
There, I was held in a section that felt like yet another “import.” Hundreds of people shared a single room. Later, I was moved to a building called Madhumati, which housed many Awami League leaders. It was effectively a prison within a prison, entirely occupied by Awami League workers, most without official positions.
How were the food and sanitation facilities?
Anis Alamgir: In Madhumati, the food was dreadful; I could not eat it. We could order outside food, though the quality was still not good. After the division was allowed, we were allocated funds to “upgrade” meals slightly, and food became manageable. Regarding toilets, 25–35 people queued for a single facility. Water supply was intermittent, two to three times a day, and ran out quickly.
Prothom Alo :
Had you ever been to prison before?
Anis Alamgir: No, this was my first time in custody. I had been arrested once during the 1/11 changeover but only held at a police station, never in jail.
Despite repeated court appearances, bail was not granted. Can you explain the charge?
Anis Alamgir: The Anti-Terrorism Act case was completely fabricated. I have never seen such a torturous law combined with a totally bogus case in Bangladesh’s history. If each case were assessed fairly, none would stand. Dr. Yunus has betrayed the martyrs of the July killings; he has implicated 600–700 people in a single case related to the July killings who had no connection to the incident. The case has no merit, yet if the police were properly tasked, justice could have been served, and the martyrs’ families vindicated.
During Dr. Yunus’ 18-month rule, Prothom Alo was the most targeted. Yet during the Awami League’s tenure, the paper had criticised the government and was victimised for it However, during the tenure of the interim government, the burning of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star marked the onset of a dark era for Bangladesh’s press.
Prothom Alo :
The ACC filed a case against you for alleged illicit wealth, but you were granted bail. Could you explain?
Anis Alamgir: I had sold a plot of land, and before paying the tax, I was arrested. It was later presented in court. Once the tax is paid, it will resolve the issue. But the most unfortunate part is that, after I was arrested under a fabricated case and criticism arose, the ACC was used to defame me. They pursue me for tax issues, yet Dr. Yunus, upon coming to power, was granted a 66.6 billion taka tax waiver. History has rarely seen anything so mocking.
Prothom Alo :
How did you view press freedom under the Awami League and later under the interim government?
Anis Alamgir: During the interim government, press suppression was worse than under the Awami League. They controlled who could work in which newspaper; anyone could “mob” an office. During Dr. Yunus’ 18-month rule, Prothom Alo was the most targeted. Yet during the Awami League’s tenure, the paper had criticised the government and was victimised for it.
However, during the tenure of the interim government, the burning of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star marked the onset of a dark era for Bangladesh’s press. Muhammad Yunus subsequently banned both newspapers within prisons. Previously, The Daily Star had been available in jail, but it is no longer accessible; Prothom Alo, which was not available before, remains unavailable.
The Anti-Terrorism Act case was completely fabricated. I have never seen such a torturous law combined with a totally bogus case in Bangladesh’s history. If each case were assessed fairly, none would stand.
Some say you speak for the Awami League and call you a “stooge.” Your response?
Anis Alamgir: This is most regrettable. Criticism is often interpreted as siding with the other party. During the Awami League’s rule, I was labelled as a man of BNP and Jamaat for my criticisms, and I could not work for three years during the 17-year rule of the Awami League. I supported the July uprising and the interim government for six months, yet am still accused of opposing July.
People assume criticism of Dr. Yunus equates to support for the previous government. Such misrepresentations will continue. If I engage in politics in the future, it will be openly; covert politics is unnecessary.
Prothom Alo :
What are you doing now?
Anis Alamgir: I am freelancing, providing some consultancy, and teaching occasionally.
Prothom Alo :
Were you afraid in prison? Will you continue speaking as before?
Anis Alamgir: I was never afraid. I will always speak the truth, regardless of which government is in power. I have never engaged in opposition merely for opposition’s sake or party patronage, nor will I. A journalist’s duty is not to uphold or topple a government, but to inform the public.
Many have doubted whether a journalist can be party-neutral; I want to restore that trust. People respect impartial journalists.
Thank you.
Anis Alamgir: Thank you too.