After independence of Bangladesh, the government was formed and Tajuddin Ahmad eventually had to step down from the cabinet. We also know that he could not accept the formation of the single-party system of BKSAL. He couldn't agree to it. But he didn't publicly oppose this or take any alternative initiative.
Sharmin Ahmad: My sister Simin Hossain Rimi compiled Tajuddin Ahmad's speeches from 1972 to 1974 from newspaper clippings and published these in the book 'Itihasher Pata Theke' almost 18-20 years ago. Abbu (father) delivered a speech on 20 January 1974 at Awami League’s biennial council. Abdul Aziz Bagmar and I translated it from the cassette recording. I was only 14 at the time. You'll see in the speech how he openly criticised his own party. But it was very logical criticism. He even said, "Expel these ministers in front of you." "Party corruption is rampant here." "Weapons have fallen into the hands of the party activists." "Party members are obstructing every administrative process here." "Private militias have been created." "They are serving the interests of different groups." How critical he was! He may not have criticised publicly, but everyone was present at the party office.
He also made a hard-hitting statement at the airport while talking to journalists. We had gone to receive our father and were there too. He said, "Corruption must be uprooted from within our own house. If we think the storm has passed by burying our heads in the sand like ostriches, that's a huge mistake." Then he spoke eloquently about the famine of 1974, saying that it must be tackled nationally by creating national consensus. He questioned why party activists would carry arms, why should weapons be in the hands of relatives (of party leaders). Then he said, "Bangabandhu, I tell you, these things are happening. We will be wiped out."
Some people say he accepted Bangabandhu's decisions and remained silent. But he did not remain silent. It was because he spoke out that he faced such a predicament. When BAKSAL was formed, he said, "You will die, we will die. Bangabandhu, the country will fall into the hands of those against independence, given the way you are destroying democracy." When Moni Singh came to our house, he said, "Moni da, what have you done? Did you form a tripartite alliance or a trident? Actually, you will kill Bangabandhu. He will die. You will die. We will all die. No one will be left." He told my mother, "Lily, you already wear white. I'm telling you, it won't be long until you become a widow." We heard these extraordinary words. So, he did criticise Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, but in a constructive way.
If they had listened to what he was saying then, the Awami League wouldn't be in this present predicament. Dynastic politics took over Awami League after 1972. And whenever a party takes on a dynastic shape, or party interests take precedence over national interests, then democracy dies. That's what happened. It is unfortunate. We may not be here, but I hope the next generation learns from these events and won’t make these mistakes again. I hope we don't go down the wrong path again.
Around 300,000 fake freedom fighter certificates were issued. Look at who were given these certificates -- that Jubo League Sheikh Moni, that Mujib Bahini who had opposed the Liberation War government and the freedom fighters
I interviewed Zohra Tajuddin in 1993 and that's when I first heard that when Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman first returned to the country after independence, not once did he want to hear from Tajuddin Ahmad or the others how they had liberated the country. This attitude indicated many shortcomings that later gradually were magnified further.
Sharmin Ahmad: Isn't it very strange that they didn't want to know? The first Bangladeshi government took oath at the mango orchard in Baidyanathtala, Meherpur of Kushtia, The question had arisen whether this would take place on Bangladesh soil or Indian soil. They took the decision and he named the place Mujibnagar because Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was undeniably the symbol of the Liberation War. That was Tajuddin Ahmad. He never wanted to make a name for himself. When the country was striving for freedom, aspiring for independence, he did not want any divisions to form. He always upheld that symbol. He didn't want to promote himself. He wanted to make the nation's aspirations for independence come true. But Mujib Kaku (uncle) never went there (Mujibnagar). He didn't even want to know anything about it.
One day my father told my mother, "Lily, today I must tell Mujib Bhai about these things." He went there and started talking about the liberation war. Mujib Kaku reportedly suddenly fell asleep. He had been preparing his cheroot and closed his eyes. My mother had thought it would take four or five hours to narrate all those events, but Abbu came back home very soon. He told out mother, "I cannot wake someone who is feigning sleep. He just doesn't want to know what happened.” So, what does this imply? Many people feel he has some sort of psychological inferiority complex because the country achieved independence in his absence. I've heard the same thing from very high-ranking Indian officials. Also, those in Bangladesh who worked closely with him said the same.
Matiur Rahman :
Even the Indian diplomat JN Dixit wrote in his book that he (Bangabandhu) had there was some sort of weakness in his psyche due to the fact that he could not participate in the Liberation War. That's why he never wanted to know about this matter, he never brought these issues to the forefront.
Sharmin Ahmad: Hence, 1 lakh 1 thousand (101,000) freedom fighters. If you read Tajuddin Ahmad's speech from 1972, your will learn about the fraudulent activities centering the number of freedom fighters. These 101,000 freedom fighters, these brave young men, imbued with the spirit of revolution, were sent back home. Then around 300,000 fake freedom fighter certificates were issued. Look at who were given these certificates -- that Jubo League Sheikh Moni, that Mujib Bahini who had opposed the Liberation War government and the freedom fighters.
My question is, they repeatedly claim that everything, including the formation of the government, happened according to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's plans. If that were so, that means there was a Liberation War government. No one can predict what will happen at every moment of the war. But they took credit for those things too. If that's the case, then the question is how come the Mushtaq clique which was conspiring with the CIA at the time and whom Tajuddin Ahmad later dismissed from his foreign minister post, and the Mujib Bahini, who formed their force with the help of Indian intelligence, were the ones who gained the most power after the country's independence? This is very conflicting. If he had said everything, then that means it was Tajuddin Ahmad and the others who liberated the country according to Bangabandhu's plans.
Many of you have written about this, and many other researchers have written about it. It must be written about, discussed. Let me mention a few things here. At the very outset, Tajuddin had said that this liberation war would not be very lengthy. Yet there is so many discussions and thoughts about this. No one thought it would end in just nine months. His prediction came true. Also, in his speech on 10 April, he said that this war is the war of the suffering people of Bangladesh. This war is the liberation war of students, workers, farmers and common people. I see that his thoughts and perception that that the war would end quickly and this war was the war of the suffering people of Bangladesh.
Sharmin Ahmad: It is extraordinary. His speeches, particular of 10 April and 7 April, need to be included in textbooks. There should be research on these.
Matiur Rahman :
Let's end with something different. In 1959, Tajuddin Ahmad and Zohra got married. He brought all kinds of beli phool (jasmine) jewelry to the wedding. It was in 1959 and Tajuddin Ahmed was from a distinguished family, a more or less well-to-do family. He was a prominent leader of Awami League. I was quite amazed that him getting married with jasmine flowers.
Sharmin Ahmad: Actually, when my father asked my mother what she needed for the wedding, what kind of jewelry, my mother said, "I don't like gold jewelry. Bring me 'beli phool' ornaments." My mother's father had been a professor of Arabic language at Dhaka College. My mother was from a very progressive and distinguished family. And Abbu actually did turn up with a whole lot of "beli" ornaments.
My parents married in 1959 and I was born on 29 February 1960. My mother said that my father himself went and brought a white rattan cradle for me. And he distributed sweets himself. When there third daughter was born, everyone had been betting that it would be a boy. We were all born at home. When my sister Mimi was born, the midwife then said a little curtly, "It's a girl again this time." My father went and brought so many sweets! He didn't see any difference between girls and boys. Then when Sohel was born, everyone said, "Now after three daughters, it's a boy. Now you have to treat us to sweets." Then my father said, "Why? I gave you all sweets for my three daughters. Now if you are happier than me, then you bring the sweets." I remember when Sohel was born, Mujib Kakku treated everyone at the Awami League office to sweets.
And I want to add to the mention of jasmine flowers. Those who truly love nature and flowers, and whose lives are largely connected to these, easily overcome the fear of death. When my father was to be killed, it was on that 1 November that he told my mother, "Lily, today is the last page of my diary. I will finish writing the last page today. And we won't be kept alive, because two days ago I saw military personnel inspecting the place.”
He also said then that it would be good to bring the jail under the Red Cross. After that, in the early hours of 3 November, they were killed. My father had planted hundreds of flowering shrubs before that. He had brought cow-dung manure and soil from outside. He knew that death was imminent, but he still turned to nature. That planted hibiscus as well. trees, all over that place. The political prisoners who had been in jail for five or six years imprisoned with my father, said, "Tajuddin Bhai is not here, but the red hibiscus flowers are here." There's a proverb in English: "To plant a garden is to believe in tomorrow." If you plant a garden, you believe in a good future ahead. He spread the light of hope in every seed, every sapling.
Sowing seeds for the future is now the most important issue before us. We are at crossroads and we hope that we can use these experiences of the past to move towards a truly democratic environment, a democratic system. This is perhaps the way. The more we can talk about all these things, the more we can discuss and debate, this will open up a clear and pristine path for us, leading to the future.
Sharmin Ahmad: That is beautiful! Thank you.
Thank you.
(Concluded)