Current discussions are centered on the national election. How do you think the election will go? And how prepared is the police force?
Baharul Alam: I believe a neutral and festive election will be held, in line with the expectations of the people. That is exactly what we are preparing for. All of our current activities are focused on this objective, because this is a responsibility on which the future and fate of the country and the nation depend. We are treating this election with the utmost importance. For this reason, we are preparing about 75 per cent of our 200,000-strong police force—that is, around 150,000 members—through motivation and training. They will be directly engaged in election duties.
In the aftermath of the mass uprising, the morale of the police has not fully recovered. On the other hand, there will be around 43,000 polling centres in the national election. Do you believe this level of manpower is sufficient to ensure a fair and peaceful election?
Baharul Alam: The responsibility of the election doesn’t lie with the police alone. Alongside the police, a significant number of Ansar and Village Defence Party (VDP) members will be deployed. On average, each polling centre will have two police officers and around eight, in some places ten, Ansar members. Additionally, the army will be involved. The Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) will be deployed in border areas, while the Coast Guard and Navy will be active in coastal regions.
And our biggest strength is the people. If the general public is engaged in the election process, and if most political parties participate, then I believe the overall security risks will naturally be reduced. That said, tensions surrounding elections can sometimes escalate to the point of violence—even killings. We’ve seen such incidents in past elections.
With that in mind, we’ve already begun groundwork to assess potential security risks surrounding the election. We're also considering the profiles of probable candidates in evaluating risks. We're listening to all stakeholders and those participating in or observing the election. We hope this collaborative approach will help create a peaceful and well-organised electoral environment.
Moreover, in the national elections of 1991, 2001, and 2008—elections widely regarded as fair and acceptable—the police managed election duties with similar manpower. So, in that sense, manpower alone will not be the deciding factor.
However, a fascist regime may attempt to disrupt the electoral atmosphere by creating obstacles. But our advantage is that all other political parties appear eager to participate in the election.
On average, each polling centre will have two police officers. They will be accompanied by eight, and in some places ten, members of the Ansar. In addition, members of the armed forces will be deployed. The Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) will be present in border areas, while the Coast Guard and Navy will be active in coastal regions. And our greatest source of confidence lies with the people.
The Awami League was in power for over 15 years. Now their activities are banned. What kind of risks do you foresee from their side?
Baharul Alam: They might engage in some subversive activities in certain areas—perhaps orchestrating bomb blasts in some places or attempting to obstruct voters elsewhere. In other words, creating minor disturbances or trying to instill fear. So I wouldn't say there's absolutely no risk at all. However, if the other parties actively participate in the election, I don’t think such actions will be widespread or significantly disruptive.
Still, taking these possibilities into account, we will prepare accordingly from a security standpoint. Emergency forces, striking forces, and mobile units will be deployed during the election. Moreover, we expect there will be substantial national and international observation during this election.
Prothom Alo :
Are there any discussions taking place with political parties regarding law and order during the election?
Baharul Alam: There hasn’t been any formal discussion at the top leadership level of the parties. However, at the individual level, I—as well as senior officials at the Police Headquarters, DIGs, SPs at the district level, and others—are in contact with relevant stakeholders. Whenever I speak with them personally, they express full support and give assurances for holding a fair and peaceful election. They are fully committed and willing to cooperate. That is our greatest strength. They also want the election to be held successfully. Because if the election is not conducted properly, it’s not just us—the entire country will be at risk.
Emergency forces, striking forces, and mobile units will be deployed during the election. In addition, this time there will surely be a significant presence of both national and international observers.
Many people have doubts about whether the police will remain neutral during the election—or whether they even can. What steps are you taking to ensure police neutrality during the polls?
Baharul Alam: It’s natural that individual government officials or police personnel may have personal leanings toward one political party or another. Over the past 15 years, many individuals inspired by particular political ideologies have entered public service, including the police. As a result, a degree of bias may naturally exist. On the other hand, those who have been consistently denied promotions or opportunities over a long period may harbour resentment or hostility toward the regime.
Still, when it comes to fulfilling state duties—especially those related to the election—everyone must act with complete neutrality. Restoring that neutrality is not an easy task. That’s why we are already in regular communication with field-level officers. We're trying to change the way they operate and help them understand that their responsibilities must be carried out not from a partisan viewpoint but in a fully neutral manner.
As the election approaches and the official schedule is announced, it will be the actions of the police—their operations, how they handle complaints, and their real-world conduct—thaIt’s natural that individual government officials or police personnel may have personal leanings toward one political party or another. Over the past 15 years, many individuals inspired by particular political ideologies have entered public service, including the police. As a result, a degree of bias may naturally exist. On the other hand, those who have been consistently denied promotions or opportunities over a long period may harbour resentment or hostility toward the regime.
Still, when it comes to fulfilling state duties—especially those related to the election—everyone must act with complete neutrality. Restoring that neutrality is not an easy task. That’s why we are already in regular communication with field-level officers. We're trying to change the way they operate and help them understand that their responsibilities must be carried out not from a partisan viewpoint but in a fully neutral manner.
As the election approaches and the official schedule is announced, it will be the actions of the police—their operations, how they handle complaints, and their real-world conduct—that will show how neutral the force truly is. There is no quick fix for this—it requires sustained practice over time.t will show how neutral the force truly is. There is no quick fix for this—it requires sustained practice over time.
Prothom Alo :
A large number of officers who currently lead the police at the field level were previously sidelined or assigned to non-operational units. Given the upcoming election, can we depend on them?
Baharul Alam: While participating in the election process is an important duty of the police, their responsibilities are not limited to that alone. Investigating cases, managing traffic, protecting VIPs, criminal investigations, and conducting cases in court are also key police duties. There are gaps in some of these areas because many officers have not been engaged in core duties for a long time. However, they do have experience in election-time security, maintaining law and order, and handling large events. Even if they were not serving as district SPs or OC of a police station, they have worked in the field in other roles. Therefore, I expect they will be able to demonstrate competence in carrying out election duties.
Moreover, security is not just about police standing in uniform. Advance planning and preparation are the most important aspects of ensuring security — and we are doing that. For these reasons, there is little cause for serious concern about their ability to manage election security.
Prothom Alo: Some people are suggesting forming volunteer teams of students at polling centres to ensure fair voting. How do you view such proposals?
Baharul Alam: We have not specifically considered forming volunteer groups made up solely of students. The assistance and cooperation we need do not have to be limited only to students. We need support from the thoughtful and peace-loving segments of society as well. There is no need to formalise it with a name or a fixed committee. The main point is that we will need their support. Everything cannot be managed by the police, the army, the BGB, and Ansar alone.
Prothom Alo :
Media reports say Jamaat is considering forming committees at polling centres to prevent disorder. How do you view this initiative? Do you see any negative aspects if parties form such committees?
Baharul Alam: If any political party forms such bodies at polling centres, we would certainly welcome it. It could hardly be better. That way we would know in advance which individuals from which party at which centre would take primary responsibility for cooperating in ensuring a fair election. We would also be able to assess the intentions of those on such lists.
However, if any political party or group—under the pretext of offering help—enters centres to seize ballots or attempt to create disorder, that will not be allowed.
Stolen weapons are mainly of two types. Long-barrel rifles or submachine guns are difficult for criminals to use. But short automatic pistols, which can be easily concealed, are the most dangerous.
Many terrorists have escaped after breaking out of prisons. Several well-known top terrorists have been released on bail. A large number of weapons have been looted. Is there a risk that any party might use them during the election?
Baharul Alam: Stolen weapons are mainly of two types. Long-barrel rifles or submachine guns are difficult for criminals to use. However, short automatic pistols, which can be easily concealed, are the most dangerous. According to preliminary information, around 400 such pistols have not yet been recovered. We are giving the highest priority to retrieving these weapons. A few days ago, the Home Affairs Adviser also announced rewards related to this effort.
So far, apart from one incident in Munshiganj, we have not seen direct use of these weapons. Although some weapons have been recovered in abandoned conditions or through various means. In total, 5,763 weapons were looted. Of these, 4,421 have been recovered so far. About 1,342 are still missing. We are not certain where these weapons have ended up. One possibility is that they have fallen into the hands of terrorist groups in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Another possibility is that these weapons have reached Rohingya camps, for example, ending up with the Arakan Army. These are concerns we have, but we cannot say with certainty where each weapon has gone.
Beyond the looted weapons, we occasionally intercept shipments of other arms. There are also reports of AK-47s and Chinese rifles coming into the Chittagong Hill Tracts from abroad. Some of these shipments have been seized. Overall, the situation in that area remains somewhat fragile.
Additionally, we have special surveillance on criminals or terrorists recently released from prison, ensuring they do not engage in any new criminal activities.
Prothom Alo :
Prothom Alo: Do you have any information about who is bringing these weapons into the country?
Baharul Alam: It is important for us to first assess the ongoing conflicts. One category is general criminal use; that is, some people use weapons for ‘pure crime.’ However, we have not yet found clear evidence of importing weapons like Chinese rifles specifically for such crimes. If such weapons do enter, they usually go to areas experiencing armed conflict.
Another area is conflict between armed groups. A few days ago, groups like the UPDF and JSS clashed in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. There is a demand for weapons in such places. Similarly, the Arakan Army uses these weapons against the Myanmar military. Therefore, we currently think there is a low likelihood of widespread use of such large-scale weapons inside the country. Nevertheless, we do not dismiss any concerns and continue to work with all possibilities in mind.
Blurb: Another area is conflict among armed groups. A few days ago, groups like the UPDF and JSS clashed with each other in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. There is a demand for weapons in these areas. Similarly, the Arakan Army uses such weapons against the Myanmar military.
In the case filed over the mass uprising, countless innocent people are being indiscriminately accused, arrested, and harassed. Is there any initiative to release the innocent? What action will you take against those responsible for this?
Baharul Alam: I have been holding regular meetings with the members of the investigation teams at regional and district levels. I’ve been doing this for quite some time. Wherever there are allegations against individuals, we are verifying them and instructing the police to ensure that innocent people are released promptly. In every meeting, I ask how many interim reports have been submitted under Section 173(a) of the Code of Criminal Procedure.
Even if no one applies for exemption claiming to be innocent, I strongly believe that the district superintendent of police should, on their own initiative, ensure the release of the innocent. However, for various reasons, there is a certain reluctance and hesitation within the police regarding the submission of these reports. We are trying to overcome that.
The petitions I receive daily are sent to the respective districts, and we monitor them from the central level. So far, 136 interim reports have been submitted, and about 236 more are being processed. This process is ongoing.
There have also been cases involving police officers who were not involved in any crime. Some have been falsely accused or harassed through transfers from one workplace to another. I am insisting that justice must be ensured in these cases as well, because restoring the morale of my force is a major issue—and as the head of the police, I must address that.
There are some legal complications in taking action against those involved in the harassment. If a case is entirely false, the law provides for punishment. But if the incident itself is true and only the names of innocent people have been added, then there is no clear legal provision for punishment. Still, wherever evidence is found, we are taking direct action against fraud or unlawful influence.
There are certain legal complications in taking action against those involved in the harassment. If a case is completely false, the law provides for punishment. However, if the incident itself is true but the names of innocent people have been added, there is no clear legal provision for that.
In the changed situation, incidents such as mob beatings, attacks carried out by organised mobs, abductions, and murders have created public anxiety. How do you assess the current law and order situation?
Baharul Alam: Crime control cannot be achieved through force alone; it requires strategy and planning. For crimes that occur in public—such as snatching, “knockout gangs,” or fraud—visible police presence is extremely important. The more visible the police are, the more cautious criminals become.
In Dhaka city, around two thousand police officers are on the streets every day, and the number increases during large gatherings. Still, amid such a large population, police presence is not always noticeable. So we are considering ways to make patrol vehicles more noticeable and audible—so people can sense that the police are nearby—by using sirens. However, we are also mindful that this could create noise pollution, so we are weighing all factors carefully.
In the long term, we must become more technology-driven. A few days ago, the Home Secretary visited Pakistan and reported that their Safe City Project has yielded good results in crime prevention. Through this project, the entire city is covered with surveillance cameras, which has greatly reduced public crimes due to fear of being caught. We are considering a similar initiative here.
We have already introduced some body-worn cameras for use in traffic management and election duties. In the future, every police officer deployed in the field—whether for investigation or security—will wear such cameras. There are many allegations against police officers, including misconduct toward the public. These technology-based initiatives will not only help ensure discipline among police personnel but also increase transparency in their behaviour and operations with the public.
Prothom Alo :
Some newspapers have reported that since Sheikh Hasina’s removal from power, a group of fugitive police officers has been trying to create unrest in the country. Do you have any information about this?
Baharul Alam: Yes, we have obtained records of conversations they’ve had with people inside the country. They try to motivate others through different communication apps. However, the number of those who fled is actually quite small, and their reputation is already very poor. So, their communication is not something particularly alarming.
In a few cases, some of the fugitives have been in contact with political activists to provoke them. They tell the activists things like, “We’ve spoken with the police; they won’t take action against you.” We have found evidence of such communication involving a few lower-ranking police members, and we have taken disciplinary action against some of them. After verifying evidence, we have initiated departmental cases to dismiss a few from service.
However, we have found no evidence of such contact involving senior officers. Therefore, I don’t believe these individuals can engage in any wrongdoing or create instability through such communication.
We have also proposed that the process of appointing the Inspector General of Police (IGP) be made more transparent and regulated. We want not only accountability but also the issue of the police’s functional independence to be included in this reform process.
Every year there are promises of police reform, yet no visible change seems to occur. After the mass uprising, the issue has come under renewed discussion. What is the current state of this reform process?
Baharul Alam: Discussions on police reform began back in 2007, but the proposals were never implemented. After the current government came to power, the issue regained importance. Our main demand has been to ensure the operational independence of the police, particularly in investigation and prosecution, so that there is no political or administrative interference.
Similarly, we want a transparent and politically neutral process for appointments to senior positions, overseen by an independent commission. We had hoped that the Reform Commission would make recommendations on these matters, but they avoided the issue. They said it needed further examination—whether it should be constitution-based or law-based—but they gave no clear decision. Yet, that was precisely the commission’s responsibility.
The government is now proposing, under the leadership of the Legal Adviser, to form a committee of advisers that would establish an independent body to ensure police accountability. This would allow citizens to lodge complaints against the police, which would then be investigated impartially. We have also suggested that police officers who face injustice from their superiors should be able to file complaints there as well. In other words, the system should not only resolve complaints but also address internal grievances.
We have further proposed that the process of appointing the Inspector General of Police (IGP) be made more transparent and regulated. We want the reform process to focus not only on accountability but also on ensuring the functional independence of the police.
Prothom Alo :
How do you think the process of appointing the police chief can be made more transparent?
Baharul Alam: Our proposal was to establish a Police Commission. We suggested that it could consist of one justice from the Appellate Division, two members of parliament from the ruling party, two from the opposition, one human rights activist, and one university professor.
This commission would recommend three names from among the officers holding the rank of Additional IGP. The Ministry of Home Affairs would then appoint one of those three as the police chief. This process would make the appointment more transparent and balanced.
But at present, the appointment depends solely on the discretion of the authorities. The law even states that the government may appoint anyone it chooses. Naturally, this leaves room for bias.
We have repeatedly said that if police officers must follow political directives during investigations, the public will never trust us. For the police to truly be the people’s friend, it must be free from political control. In the past, some individuals showed party loyalty, but now the majority of the force wants to break free from that bondage.
Some say that the police themselves don’t want reform—that they prefer to maintain political loyalty for personal gain. What is your response to that?
Baharul Alam: I completely disagree with that view. Since 2006, we have been saying, “Let us work independently—strengthen us instead.” But neither society nor the political leadership has responded to that call.
After 5 August, constables stood armed at Rajarbagh and said, “We no longer want to open fire on political orders; we want to work under a neutral authority.” In other words, the demand for reform has come from within the police itself.
We have repeatedly said that if police officers have to follow political directives in investigations, the public will never trust us. For the police to truly be the people’s friend, it must be free from political control. In the past, some individuals showed party loyalty, but now the majority of the force wants to break free from that chain. On social media as well, both serving and retired police officers are openly supporting these reforms. So, it is not true that the police do not want reform.
Prothom Alo :
There are still allegations of police officers taking bribes. Ordinary people fear entering a police station. What steps are you taking to change this situation, and what is your message to the public?
Baharul Alam: Public trust cannot be earned through words alone—we must prove ourselves to be both reliable and helpful. If we don’t serve people properly, how will they accept us or draw closer to us? Fear and distrust of the police still exist, rooted in the legacy of the colonial era.
At the same time, we often see police officers being attacked while performing their duties. If people were truly afraid of the police, such attacks wouldn’t happen. The fact that some dare to assault police officers on duty is a worrying sign for society. Because, while the courts deliver final justice, it is the police who provide immediate protection on the ground.
There are also examples where people have stood by the police when they have done the right thing. My message to the public is this: Don’t be afraid—if you witness wrongdoing, report it. We will listen to your complaints and are committed to investigating them.
On one hand, police officers are being attacked by criminals. On the other hand, there are discussions about withdrawing lethal weapons from the police. What is the actual situation?
Baharul Alam: There has been some misunderstanding about this. Long-range rifles are not necessary for controlling rallies or public gatherings. In such situations, security should first be ensured through a series of measures—issuing warnings, using water cannons, tear gas, rubber bullets, and other non-lethal means. Only if someone poses a threat to life can firearms be used, and that too solely for self-defence. This is clearly stated in police rules and regulations.
However, during regular patrols or operations to capture robbers and armed criminals in rural areas, carrying rifles is essential. Sub-inspectors (SIs) may carry revolvers according to their authority, while constables will carry rifles. These are necessary when confronting armed criminals.
There has also been some misunderstanding among police officers themselves. Some believe that the police will no longer be allowed to use any long-barrel firearms. That is not the case. What has been emphasized is the appropriate use of weapons, based on the context and location of the operation.
It is also often seen that when the police try to perform their duties, they come under attack. If people were truly afraid of the police, such attacks would not occur. Assaulting police officers while they are on duty is a matter of serious concern for society. Although the courts deliver the final word on justice, it is the police who provide immediate protection on the ground. At the same time, there are also examples where people have stood by the police when they have done the right thing.
Many people still see the police as a tool of the ruling party. What are you doing to change that perception?
Baharul Alam: In fact, around 50 per cent of the current police force was recruited between 2009 and 2024. Many of those recruitments were influenced by political connections and party loyalty. As a result, a certain degree of allegiance still remains among some officers. This cannot be changed overnight. That is why we are now placing greater emphasis on training to make the entire force more professional. Even so, those who continue to display blind loyalty will gradually have to be kept away from active service.
In addition, under the current government, seven thousand new constables have been recruited. We are also planning to bring in delegations from experienced countries such as Ireland to share their expertise, which will help us adopt improved and refined policies.
In the long term, there has been a plan to simplify the police structure by reducing the recruitment process from three tiers to two or even one. To implement this, we need regulatory and administrative approval. However, certain administrative and political obstacles have so far delayed the process. Still, to eliminate internal inequality and resentment, this reform must be carried out sooner or later.
These initiatives will gradually help restore the police to a truly neutral and professional institution. There can be no instant, magical change. The solution lies in consistent work on rules, training, recruitment procedures, and transparency.
Prothom Alo :
Thank you.
Baharul Alam: Thank you as well.