If 'No' wins in the referendum, fascism will return

Prothom Alo: On 12 February, a referendum will be held alongside the national parliamentary election. This will be the first time in Bangladesh that these two votes are being held together. People generally understand that a parliamentary election brings about a change of power, but the concept of a referendum is not clear to many. We would like to know your views on the importance and significance of this referendum.

Monir Haider: First of all, no referendum has been held in the country since 1991. That means there has been no referendum in the past 35 years. Many of today’s voters have never seen one. For a large segment of voters, this is therefore something entirely new.

There are differences between a referendum and other types of elections. In parliamentary elections there are candidates. Even in presidential elections in the past, there were candidates. Local government elections also have candidates. But a referendum has no candidates. A referendum seeks to determine whether voters support or oppose a particular issue. In other words, it is a way of gauging public opinion on a specific matter.

Over the past 54 years, we have not achieved the democratic state system we aspired to. During this period, the country experienced 16 years of fascist rule. By ending that fascist rule through the July uprising, the people pledged to bring about a fundamental transformation of the state system.

To realise this aspiration, the “July National Charter 2025” has been drafted based on the recommendations of the reform commissions, essentially outlining a roadmap for the future. Through this referendum, these reforms will be approved by exercising the people’s “constituent power,” so that no future government can ignore this public aspiration.

This referendum includes a number of reform proposals, including constitutional reforms. In simple terms, this referendum is about deciding whether we want to return to a fascist system or not.

Prothom Alo: In the referendum, voters will answer four questions on the ballot by marking it accordingly. Forty-eight constitutional reform proposals have been grouped into these four questions, each of which will be answered with either “Yes” or “No.” Some have raised questions about this format. If someone agrees with two of the four questions but disagrees with the other two, how can they express their opinion with just a single answer—“Yes” or “No”?

Monir Haider: In cases of large-scale constitutional reform, the procedures or formulas used in other countries are the same as the one being followed here. The referendum includes all 48 constitutional reform proposals, grouped into four categories. There is no option to answer “Yes” or “No” separately to each individual question. This is the standard approach worldwide for major constitutional reforms. Nothing new is being introduced in Bangladesh; rather, this follows established practice.

The colour of the referendum ballot will be different from that of the parliamentary election ballot. The idea that a referendum has no symbols is incorrect. The referendum will have two symbols: a tick mark for those who wish to vote in favour of the reforms, and a cross mark for those who wish to vote against them. Voters will be able to cast their vote by stamping one of these symbols on the ballot according to their choice.

Prothom Alo: The election schedule has already been announced. While there is visible enthusiasm among political parties and candidates regarding the parliamentary election, the same level of excitement is not apparent about the referendum. Does this suggest that they are more eager to come to power than to pursue constitutional change?

Monir Haider: I would not generalise it that way. We need to understand that for candidates, their immediate victory or defeat in the election is far more pressing. It is therefore natural for them to focus more on their own campaigns.

For more than a year, political parties have been engaged in discussions with the National Consensus Commission. Every party that supported the July uprising participated in this process and contributed in various ways. Based on these discussions and opinions, the “July National Charter 2025” was finalised, and the political parties later formally signed the charter. So, from the very beginning, political parties have been positively involved in this process.

The responsibility for promoting the referendum does not rest solely with the government or political parties; it is also the responsibility of the people and everyone who supports change. The government has planned a wide-ranging publicity campaign on the referendum in the coming days, including delivering messages through mosque imams and temple priests. In addition, field-level workers from the ministries of agriculture, health, and social welfare will reach out to voters directly and distribute necessary leaflets, so that within the next four weeks all voters in the country gain a clear understanding of the referendum.

Prothom Alo: Regarding the referendum, the Office of the Chief Adviser of the interim government, the Election Commission, and the Ministry of Cultural Affairs have undertaken several programmes. Campaign vehicles have been sent to different divisions, and music videos have been produced in regional languages as part of the referendum campaign. Reports say that these activities are promoting a “Yes” vote. Some have alleged that the interim government has taken sides in the referendum. What is your response?

Monir Haider: No one will be able to show that there is any legal restriction against such activities under existing election laws and regulations. The election code of conduct applies to candidates. Since there are no candidates in a referendum, it does not apply in this case.

Secondly, the issue being put to the referendum concerns various recommendations on whether we will return to a fascist system or not. The formation of different reform commissions, the establishment of the National Consensus Commission, and the drafting of the July Charter through consultations with political parties—these are all actions the government has taken in the interest of the country and its people. If we consider these initiatives as a “product,” then they are a product created by the government for the country and its citizens. Now, is there any bar on advocating in favour of a product one has created? If the reform proposals are viewed as a product, the government is free to campaign in support of them. From a common-sense perspective, I do not see any legal obstacle to this.

Prothom Alo: What will happen if “Yes” wins the referendum, and what will happen if “No” wins?

Monir Haider: Personally, I see no possibility of “No” winning the referendum. I believe that “Yes” will win by a large margin. If “No” were to win, fascism would certainly return to Bangladesh. But if “Yes” wins, the next parliament will function as a constitutional reform council and will be obligated to incorporate these proposals into the Constitution within a specified number of working days. Implementing this public verdict will become a moral and legal obligation for the next government.

Prothom Alo: You worked with the National Consensus Commission and, in that capacity, held extensive discussions and meetings with political parties on reform. What is your assessment of political parties’ commitment to reform?

Monir Haider: I have found that political parties do have goodwill regarding reform. The way senior party leaders participated in meetings of the National Consensus Commission over a long period and offered thoughtful opinions on various issues suggests a positive attitude toward reform. If they were not interested in reform, why would they spend so much time in these discussions?

Prothom Alo: The interim government formed several reform commissions. In their submitted reports, these commissions made issue-specific recommendations. Some of these reforms did not require constitutional amendments or a referendum and could have been implemented through executive orders. Questions have been raised about whether the government was sufficiently proactive in implementing such reforms. What is your view?

Monir Haider: I do not know how to measure what is “sufficient.” But it is true that many, or even most, of the recommendations have no direct connection to constitutional reform. Many such recommendations have already been implemented or are in the process of being implemented. You might say that more reforms could have been carried out—but there is really no end to what could be improved.

Prothom Alo: In the context of Bangladesh, institutions such as the bureaucracy, the police, and the Anti-Corruption Commission are crucial. During the previous government’s tenure, there were many allegations of political misuse of these institutions. Even under the interim government, their role has not been beyond question. Does this indicate a gap between the talk of reform and the reality on the ground?

Monir Haider: Why has the situation you described arisen? First of all, genuine democratic practice has not taken root properly in our state system. Because of this, two fundamental elements are largely absent: accountability and transparency. The various reform initiatives and the July Charter are aimed precisely at ensuring that the country functions through a proper democratic process and that accountability and transparency are established in the state. Once these are in place, the problems you mentioned will be resolved automatically.

Prothom Alo: The Commission on Enforced Disappearances has spoken about reforming intelligence agencies. What is your opinion on this?

Monir Haider: I will not single out any particular agency. However, our intelligence agencies, police, and security apparatus—all of these require extensive reform. Whether these reforms will actually take place depends on this referendum. If a genuinely democratic environment is established in the country, these reforms will be possible.

Prothom Alo: Along with other commissions, the interim government also formed a Media Reform Commission. Many associated with that commission have expressed disappointment that its recommendations have not been implemented. You were once a journalist—how do you assess this issue from that perspective?

Monir Haider: As a journalist, I believe there are certain structural barriers or limitations. Because of these systemic constraints, many recommendations from past commissions were never implemented. We believe that if the July National Charter is implemented, this situation will change.

Prothom Alo: Many people see the bureaucracy as a major obstacle to reform.

Monir Haider: There is no denying that the bureaucracy is a major problem. But this problem was not created by the bureaucracy itself. It is primarily the result of incompetence and a lack of goodwill among policymakers—that is, those above the bureaucrats. If transparency and a democratic outlook are ensured at the policymaking level, the bureaucracy will not be able to play a negative role, even if it wants to.

Prothom Alo: Thank you for your time.

Monir Haider: Thank you as well.