Bengalis and the Bengali language have always been part of a movement-loving nation. Due to the intensity of protests, the capital of British India was shifted from Kolkata to Delhi. The British then developed New Delhi, adjacent to the historic capitals of the Sultanate and Mughal periods. That marked the beginning of Bengal’s decline. What was once the most prosperous economic region gradually became one of scarcity.
Even after the partition of Bengal in 1947, the fervor for protest didn’t fade. We have journeyed from East Bengal and East Pakistan to become Bangladesh. However, we have never truly detached ourselves from West Bengal’s political culture. We know that when a political party splits there, a similar division often follows here. Many political theories and ideologies once flowed into Bangladesh under the influence of Western winds, often passing through West Bengal. Sometimes, we even reprinted their leaflets word for word, with only a few minor edits. That trend declined after the 1970s.
In our context, a movement typically means blocking roads, staging marches, causing vandalism, and engaging in clashes. The responsibility to maintain law and order falls on the police. Naturally, conflicts break out between the police and protesters—bricks and stones are thrown. The police, a force trained in suppression, retaliates. Protesters are dispersed. This has become a common, almost routine, scene.
During such unrest in Kolkata, protesters coined a popular slogan directed at the police: “Police, no matter how much you beat us, your salary remains 112.” This slogan crossed the border and reached Dhaka. A few years ago, during the student-led Safe Roads Movement, schoolchildren were heard chanting it here, sometimes adding harsh criticism of the police.
Every slogan has a backstory. This one means: “No matter how much you beat us, your condition will not improve. Your salary won’t increase. While political syndicates use your batons and guns to take control of the country one after another, you will remain exactly where you are.” The message behind it is: “Police, don’t become the ruling party’s hired thugs.”
The police are the primary force responsible for maintaining law and order in the country. But from the time we were born, we’ve seen police beat people. There’s a proverb that goes: “A tiger’s touch leaves 18 wounds,” meaning even a small encounter with a dangerous person can cause enormous damage. Similarly, another phrase adds: “A police touch leaves 36 wounds.” In other words, once someone falls into the hands of the police, they suffer for life.
Even when someone is wronged, they often avoid filing a case. Why? Because the complainant usually suffers more—repeated court appearances, never-ending cases, mounting legal fees. Eventually, they’re forced to sell off land and belongings just to cover expenses, becoming destitute.
There’s a saying that lawyers make a living off just a handful of cases they drag on for years. That’s why people generally avoid going to the police or court unless absolutely necessary. A widespread perception exists that the police, lawyers, and the judicial system together have created a setup where justice is essentially exiled.
People even joke: “Ten people and two police officers were injured in a clash.” The joke being—aren’t police considered people too? So why make the distinction? This perception wasn’t formed in a day; it’s the result of long-standing experiences."
In our independent country, for the past five decades, we’ve observed that the police seem more focused on suppressing dissenting voices than on catching criminals. But is the police solely to blame for this? Not at all. It is the cunning politicians who run the country and use the police as enforcers to maintain their group-based grip on power.
During the July 24 protests, we saw that those in power did not have the support of the people. Initially, they relied on party-affiliated thugs. We witnessed the so-called ‘helmet gangs’—who, under police protection, attacked the protesters. Eventually, the police themselves took the place of these helmeted attackers.
The riot police we saw on July 24 did not descend from the skies—they’ve been around for five decades. The same police that once bloodied Sadeque Hossain Khoka also beat Matia Chowdhury and left her lying on the street. Regardless of who is in power, every ruling party has used the police as its hired thugs. So how do we break free from this situation?
This issue was raised last Saturday at a roundtable discussion in Dhaka titled “The Need for Police Reform: The Perspective of Civil Society.” The event, organised by an English-language daily, featured speakers including politicians, current and former senior police officials, retired judges, lawyers, and members of civil society.
They pointed out that whichever political party has been in power has used the police for its own benefit. At the same time, many police officers themselves have exploited political connections to engage in various forms of misconduct.
In such a context, it has become essential to establish an independent or autonomous police commission to ensure a policing system free from political influence.
During the discussion, the current Inspector General of Police, Baharul Alam, stated that if we want a people-friendly police force, some level of autonomy must be granted. He emphasised the need to free the police from the executive control of the ministry and place it under an independent authority.
He further added that the police want to ensure that decisions like who gets arrested or who is charged in a case are not dictated by political leadership.
Is the police incapable of working in the public interest? Of course they are capable. A recent example is the arrest of five individuals, including top criminal 'Belcha Monir', the prime accused in a sensational murder case in Adabor 10, Dhaka. After a media report was published, the police quickly launched an operation and made the arrests. This proves that when the police are allowed to do their job, they can deliver. The real question is: what kind of work are we assigning to them, and how?
The role of the police is to investigate crimes, identify the perpetrators, and present them before the court for trial. But do the courts carry out their duties properly? The absence of justice in the judicial system is a long-standing complaint. Yet, the public tends to blame the police. In truth, most citizens lack a clear understanding of our legal and judicial systems.
Bangladesh has a police force of 213,000 members, of which 130,000 are constables. These constables, however, are not involved in the core function of the police—investigating and identifying criminals. Instead, they are used as 'force' to suppress dissent and opposition political groups. This misuse and wastage of manpower has continued for decades. In both the civil administration and the police, merit is rarely recognised.
During the Pakistan era, no more than 20 individuals would be recruited into the police service. But after Bangladesh was established, we saw hundreds of people appointed to the force based on political considerations and without any proper examination. Nowadays, we do see hundreds being recruited through the BCS (Bangladesh Civil Service) exam each year.
Is the country suddenly full of so many brilliant minds? The result is what one would expect. Those who couldn't rise on merit have been promoted to high-ranking positions due to political favouritism. This has encouraged partisanship within the police force. It seems IGP Baharul Alam was alluding to this very issue. Granting autonomy alone does not guarantee a solution—as is evident from the current state of the judiciary.
What we need are competent and principled officers—and, crucially, political consensus. Politicians must have the interest and commitment to ensure the professionalism of the police force.
*Mohiuddin Ahmad is writer and political analyst
#The opinions expressed are the author's own.