When will Bangladesh venture on the election roadmap?

About a month and a half ago, the interim government indicated that the national election might be held in February 2026. In the past 15 years, there hasn't been a truly meaningful election in this country. It is the absence of elections that allowed authoritarian rule to take hold.

The Citizens' Coalition had long ago proposed a “February roadmap” for the election. However, the government is yet to announce any such roadmap. Meanwhile, there are strong rumours that the election will be held on 12 February next year. The question remains, does merely announcing a date make it an election?

Have we actually managed to get anything started in line with the announcement of an election in February? Or are we once again stuck in the same old habits of delay, doubt and contradictory statements? The reality is, although a meeting took place between Tarique Rahman and the head of government in London on 13 June, there has been no constructive progress since.

Many believe there is still ample time before the election. But a February election really doesn’t leave us with much time. If the government genuinely intends to hold the election in February, then the major decisions must be finalised by September. And to do that, serious work must begin immediately.

It must be remembered that an election without reforms is nothing more than a controlled farce. With that in mind, here’s what we need to do:

a. Finalise a July Charter for constitutional reforms on the basis of consensus.

b. Enact new laws including minimum reforms for the election and law enforcement agencies

c. Update voter list and boundary demarcation.

d. Election commission's preparation at a field level. This includes a huge procurement order for all necessary items including indelible ink, etc.
If these tasks are not carried out, the date will just remain marked on the calendar. The election may be hampered. Democracy will not be restored. Such circumstances will push the country towards an uncertain future.

The primary reason for this stalemate is the lack of consensus. The interim government, BNP, NCP, Jamaat—all parties are eyeing each other with suspicion. Although they had united in a joint movement in July last year, their paths have now diverged. Each has a different view when it comes to reforms.

Among the core proposals of the Citizens' Coalition, the issue of proportional representation in the upper house has drawn clear disagreement among most parties, except perhaps the BNP and one or two others. Views on the caretaker government also vary from one group to another.

Although there is consensus on many key reforms, there is still no clear decision regarding direct elections to the women’s seats. Discussions on a neutral appointment process have also made no progress.

The Citizens’ Coalition’s seven-point reform proposal appears increasingly essential for the future of the state. A request is made to the political parties to reconsider it.

Meanwhile, no political party has initiated the process of internal or organisational reform. Amid all the commotion, that agenda is getting lost. To keep pace with the reform of the state, political parties must also undergo transformation, restructuring themselves to suit the demands of a new kind of politics.

Although the Chief Advisor of the interim government has called on everyone to prepare for elections in December, the administration is still operating under a “go-slow” policy. The inclusion of new voters and the updating of the voter list are proceeding at a sluggish pace.

In the current fiscal year (2025–26), the Election Commission has been allocated Tk 2,964 crore. Of this, Tk 2,100 crore is earmarked solely for conducting the election, an amount nearly equal to the cost of the 2024 election. But despite the budget allocation, there has been no significant progress. This lack of momentum is eroding the confidence of political parties in the electoral process.

In the 2024 election, some 650,000 members of law enforcement and security forces—including police, RAB, Ansar, and the military—were deployed. But are our police forces prepared this time? Judging by the situation in Gopalganj, it seems most people already know the answer.

According to newspaper reports, police patrols in several areas are being hampered due to a shortage of vehicles. When will these vehicles be procured? In 2024, Tk 1,226 crore was allocated for the police alone for election-related duties. This time, the amount of the allocation is still unknown.

For security this time, every polling booth must have CCTV surveillance, nighttime guards, and measures in place to prevent explosions. Setting up CCTV in more than 210,000 booths will require an enormous logistical effort.

In addition, elections require everything from indelible ink to a large quantity of stationery, all of which takes several months to procure through tenders. Yet there is still no sign of any tender preparations. These may seem like small matters, but they are essential—and time-consuming.

Meanwhile, the Election Commission is working on the issue of voting rights for expatriates. If they are taken into account, there are nearly 20 million voters living abroad. A major question remains: what method will be used to include them in the election, and is it even feasible to do so in such a short time? Our embassies in various countries need to be far more proactive about this.

At the same time, the issue of constituency boundaries remains unresolved. It is still uncertain which areas will fall under which constituencies. Without clarity on this, how can candidates begin their preparations? There’s no point in pushing ahead with an election while the boundaries remain undefined.

In neighboring countries like India, Nepal and Indonesia, an election typically involves nearly a year-long preparation process. But in Bangladesh, just seven months before the declared election timeline, we’re still debating rules and boundaries.

And yet, in terms of cost, Bangladesh is set to spend the most in South Asia, about 30 per cent more per capita than India. But despite this high expenditure, the process is failing to build public trust.

It’s not just the people of Bangladesh who are watching the upcoming election. The international community is closely observing as well. The United States, Europe, India, China, everyone wants stability in Bangladesh. But stability doesn’t mean a mere ritualistic vote. Without meaningful reforms and the participation of major political parties, international recognition of the election will be difficult to achieve. If we fail to solve our own problems, external pressure will only intensify.

Meanwhile, public frustration is growing. In the popular uprising of July 2024, people from all walks of life participated. They believed change was coming. But now they see the same old delays and blame games returning. If people are disappointed again, their disillusionment will deepen. That would be disastrous not just for political parties—but for the future of the country itself.

The economy, too, remains in limbo. There’s no sign of major investment. The movement for quota-free government jobs has yielded no visible action, and unemployment continues to rise.

The 2025–26 national budget has no allocation for structural reforms. It is being assumed that if the election is held in February, only then will a new government be able to adopt a reform-oriented budget. New investments, the release of the next tranche from the IMF—all of these are tied to reforms. But if the election is delayed, the economy will also slip deeper into crisis.

What lies ahead? If the political parties fail to reach a consensus and this state of disorder continues, the government may postpone the election at any time. That would trigger a fresh crisis.

But the greater fear is this: power will simply be rearranged, and democracy will not return. The crisis of trust will deepen further. If that happens, both the interim government and the political parties must take responsibility.

The previous authoritarian regime has already altered the mindset of many in this country, a fact we are increasingly hearing and seeing. What we need now is a participatory election—free and fair in every sense. And for that, it’s not only the government but all political parties that must provide guarantees.

In such a situation, the Election Commission or civil society could help draft a consensus-based Charter of Political Ethics for the major parties. Based on that, the parties themselves could set up “conduct cells” and pledge their cooperation to the government.

There is still some time left. But if we fail to set a timeline, finalise reform proposals and begin the actual work, then yes—the government may change, but the old political arrangements will remain untouched.
If, by September, political consensus is reached, a draft constitutional reform is prepared, the voter list and constituency boundary demarcations are finalised, and all parties cooperate in earnest—only then will this election be seen as credible.

The former authoritarian regime will do everything it can to discredit this election. That’s why we all must take collective responsibility for ensuring a legitimate election. If we fail to do so, history will not forgive us.

* Subail Bin Alam is a Member of the Citizens' Coalition and can be reached at [email protected]
* The opinions here are the writer's own.