On 5 August 2024, Sheikh Hasina was ousted from power in a mass uprising and fled to India. On 8 August, an interim government was formed under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus. According to the announced schedule, the national parliamentary election will be held on 12 February 2026. The interim government will end its duties by handing over power to the elected government. If the election is conducted fairly, freely, and impartially, it will be considered the greatest and most historic success of the interim government.
On the same day, a referendum will be held to determine whether the proposed constitutional reform and election system reform "July Charter" are acceptable to the people. If the ''Yes'' vote wins in the referendum, it will create an obligation for the next elected parliament to implement these proposals. Both initiatives are the main historical missions of the interim government. If implemented, the threat of re-establishing autocratic rule in Bangladesh's politics will be significantly reduced.
However, the reality remains that by not allowing the Awami League, whose activities are now banned, to participate in the elections, some questions regarding the election’s acceptability persist. There is strong opposition among political parties and student leaders who led the mass uprising on this issue. The Awami League shows no remorse. At the same time, the fallen autocrat Sheikh Hasina is desperate to keep the leadership of the Awami League under her control at any cost.
The achievements and limitations of this interim period of the government provide important guidelines for determining the democratic future of Bangladesh. Only by ensuring responsible decisions, institutional stability, and the rule of law can the aspirations of the mass uprising be transformed into sustainable political reality. Otherwise, in this dangerous reality, there is only one message applicable for the nation—beware!
In my opinion, the greatest institutional success of the interim government is the enactment of an ordinance to completely free the judiciary from the control of the executive branch. Furthermore, the power of appointing, promoting, transferring, and relocating judges has been liberated from the executive branch. No government in the 54 years of independent Bangladesh has implemented this constitutional obligation. For this historic decision, the interim government and its advisers undoubtedly deserve praise.
Another significant success of the interim government could have been the initiative to form an independent police commission. However, according to informed circles, various measures have been added to maintain bureaucratic and political control over the proposed structure of the police commission, rendering it practically powerless. Consequently, reconsideration of this ordinance has become essential for the interim government.
The autocrat Sheikh Hasina had turned the police force into her obedient law enforcement unit. In an attempt to preserve Hasina's power, law enforcement agencies, including the police, indiscriminately fired and killed about 1,500 people. Around 20,000 people were injured in the process, a large part of whom have been permanently disabled or blinded. Moreover, the notion that almost all police officers and employees are bribe-takers and corrupt has firmly taken root in the public mind. The interim government’s failure to present a clear way out of this crisis is a serious shortcoming.
In restoring the banking sector, the interim government has shown notable success. The banking system, on the brink of bankruptcy, has been brought back to a temporary state of stability. During Sheikh Hasina's 15 and a half years of rule, the banking sector suffered the most atrocious plunder. Of the 61 banks, 11 banks neared bankruptcy. Despite no real necessity, a large number of bank licences were issued to facilitate looting by relatives, party leaders, and her patron oligarchs.
Among these 11, seven banks under the control of Chittagong's notorious bank looter S Alam were included. No other place in the world presents an example of seven banks being controlled by a single clique. Up until 5 August 2024, S Alam misappropriated approximately Tk 200 billion and laundered it abroad. The Land Minister of Sheikh Hasina's government, Saifuzzaman Chowdhury, plundered the United Commercial Bank, while Salman F Rahman's Beximco Group's default loans exceeded Tk 50 billion.
To solve this crisis, it is urgent to establish a special default loan tribunal to quickly bring top defaulters to justice. However, the indecision and inactivity of the interim government on this matter are unacceptable.
The government's biggest failure is in reinstating law and order. In the last 16 months, the government has failed to control mob terrorism. Various extremist forces are systematically targeting liberation war and progressive groups under the guise of mob terrorism. No effective measures have been seen from the government to suppress them. Particularly, the inactivity of the Home Adviser is glaring. The police force mostly remains a silent spectator.
Another major failure of the government is in curbing corruption. Despite the formation of multiple reform commissions after assuming power, there has been no visible progress in anti-corruption reforms. The recommendations of the committee led by Dr. Iftekharuzzaman were disappointing, and the government has failed to implement them. Bangladesh has once again become one of the most corrupt countries in South Asia. There is a clear perception among the public that while the government is keen on constitutional reforms, it shows reluctance towards curbing corruption.
Finally, the most alarming failure is the growing infiltration of extremist groups at various levels of the state apparatus. If this trend continues, Bangladesh risks gradually turning into a failed state. In the upcoming elections, the victorious party could be endangered by violence from these groups, and attempts to render the new government ineffective will be made. Recent attacks on Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, Chhayanaut, and Udichi are proofs of this.
The achievements and limitations of this interim period of the government provide important guidelines for determining the democratic future of Bangladesh. Only by ensuring responsible decisions, institutional stability, and the rule of law can the aspirations of the mass uprising be transformed into sustainable political reality. Otherwise, in this dangerous reality, there is only one message applicable for the nation—beware!
● Dr. Moinul Islam is an economist and retired professor, Department of Economics, University of Chittagong.
*The opinions are of the author's own.
#This article, originally published in Prothom Alo print and online edition, has been rewritten in English by Rabiul Islam.