Why a national security strategy is urgently needed right now

1. A clear and transparent national security strategy is a prerequisite for a well-organised security strategy. It is on the basis of such a strategy that a country’s overall security infrastructure is built.

The scope of a security strategy in any country is not limited to guarding borders or suppressing crime; rather, it encompasses state institutions, systems of governance, and all who work within these systems.

In today’s world, the standard of security is not determined by the strength of the military or the visible presence of the police; it is determined by how efficient, transparent, and accountable the institutions are to the public. Police stations, forensic labs, surveillance systems, training academies, and emergency response mechanisms form the infrastructural backbone of this sector.

Governance determines how legitimately these institutions operate, how updated the laws are, whether accountability mechanisms exist, and how effectively the institutions function in practice.

At the centre of this vast structure are the people. Ensuring their security is the primary objective. In modern democracies, security is therefore defined by the legitimacy, professionalism, and public trust in these institutions.

2. After the July mass uprising, Bangladesh has begun reassessing its security sector. With the political shift, the structural limitations of the entire security system have become even more apparent.
Bangladesh still does not have a clear and transparent national security strategy. As a result, no long-term guidance or integrated framework for the security sector has been developed.

Therefore, formulating the first national security strategy is essential. Until a transparent strategy is created and the infrastructure is rebuilt on its basis, Bangladesh will not be able to resolve its fundamental security challenges.

In the post-July period, the structural weaknesses of the police force have become more evident. To reorganise the institution, the interim government has formed a Police Reform Commission.

The commission has made 108 recommendations for reform. These include introducing body-worn cameras and GPS tracking, modernising the outdated Police Act, ensuring strict judicial oversight for nighttime arrests, and developing an internationally compliant five-tier use-of-force policy.

The commission has also proposed establishing an independent Police Commission to oversee transfers, promotions, and misconduct. This is an important step toward reducing political influence.

But progress in implementing the reforms has been limited. Due to longstanding political interference, the unjust and unnecessary use of force against citizens, and a lack of accountability, public trust in the police has been severely eroded.

Citizens feel that the police are no longer public servants but rather a tool used for political purposes. This distrust has created a deep rift in police–community relations.

It has become a major obstacle to effective law enforcement and public safety. Restoring public trust is now one of the greatest challenges in police reform.

3. However, reforming the police alone will not be very effective. A much larger part of the security sector includes the armed forces and intelligence agencies, whose roles and influence have grown over time.

Bangladesh’s armed forces have always played a crucial role during national crises. Their discipline and efficiency often set standards distinct from other institutions. As Bangladesh progresses toward democratic revival, greater responsibility is now placed on this force.

In a healthy democracy, the armed forces operate under an elected civilian government. Powers over policymaking, budget approval, deployment, and oversight of military expenditure rest with civilian authorities.
In Bangladesh, there is ample opportunity to strengthen civilian oversight and control; although the armed forces generally do not interfere in politics, they influence many aspects of national security, often operating without robust civilian supervision.

For example, the defence budget is rarely subject to public review; procurement of weapons and equipment lacks transparency, and no annual defence white paper is published. The functioning of parliamentary defence committees is also extremely limited.

4. Politicisation is another major problem. For a long time, various governments have used the military or paramilitary forces for political purposes. At times, they have been involved in law-and-order situations where a military role was not appropriate.

As a result, there is a tendency toward politicisation in the operations of these forces. Favouritism, appointments to specific positions, and irregular promotions outside of overt political influence have undermined the credibility of these institutions. Against this backdrop, some crucial steps are necessary for meaningful reforms in the security sector.

The functioning of parliamentary defence committees needs to be more dynamic. Their scope should be expanded so that they can effectively review and ensure accountability regarding the defence budget, policies, expenditures, and structural matters.

At the same time, they should examine defence spending, ensure transparency in military expenditure, and make the publication of an annual defence white paper mandatory. There must also be a clear distinction between the roles of the military and the police-paramilitary forces. Except in highly exceptional circumstances, the military should not be involved in maintaining law and order within the country.

Parliament must exercise direct oversight over these decisions. If Bangladesh is truly committed to rebuilding democracy, the armed forces must operate free from political influence, professionally, and under civilian authority within democratic processes.

5. Reforming the country’s intelligence agencies is also extremely urgent. Traditionally, they operate with almost no public oversight and have long faced allegations of being used for political purposes.
Therefore, establishing a parliamentary intelligence oversight committee is essential. This would ensure that they operate according to specific mandates, respect citizens’ rights, and are held accountable for any abuse of power.

Reforms are also necessary for Bangladesh’s paramilitary forces, such as the Ansar, BGB, and Coast Guard. Since their administrative structures are closely tied to political authorities, the risk of political influence increases. Oversight by the home ministry aone is insufficient; an independent, accountable oversight framework is required for these forces.

6. Another important aspect of security sector reform is the relationship between the military and the media. Bangladesh has yet to establish a close, professional, and transparent relationship between the armed forces and the media.

Democratic security governance largely depends on the active role of the media in investigative reporting, evidence-based analysis, and ensuring state accountability.

However, specialised security journalism is almost non-existent in Bangladesh. As a result, many reports are incomplete or based on incorrect information, which misleads citizens.

Developing skilled security reporters, ensuring the flow of information, and providing legal protection for journalists will all help enhance transparency in the security sector.

At the same time, security agencies must refrain from exerting pressure on the media. Addressing this lack of trust will not only improve the quality of information but also strengthen public confidence.

7. Gender equality is another important issue in the security sector. Although Bangladesh has made notable progress in peacekeeping missions, the participation of women in domestic police, military, intelligence agencies, and paramilitary forces remains low.

According to a 2022 UN study, the average participation of women in 30 countries is about 12 per cent in the army, 15 per cent in the air force, 14 per cent in the navy, and 24 per cent in the police of 34 countries. In comparison, women make up only 8 per cent of the police in Bangladesh, totaling 16,801 personnel.

Achieving set targets, ensuring a safe work environment for women, increasing leadership opportunities, and providing gender-sensitive training are all crucial components of sustainable reform.

8. Finally, a strong ethical framework is essential for all security institutions. To uphold professional standards, investigate misconduct, and foster respect for human rights, each institution needs an effective internal ethics committee.

Police, armed forces, intelligence agencies, and paramilitary forces—committees like these will help ensure transparency, accountability, and fair conduct. Through the establishment of codes of conduct, regular reviews, and training, these institutions can become more humane and citizen-oriented.

In particular, the police must move away from a force-centered mindset and adopt community-based, humane, and rights-sensitive policing. The role of the police is not only to enforce the law but also to earn public trust and ensure citizen safety—this understanding should form the foundation of a modern, democratic security sector.

Bangladesh now has the opportunity to rebuild its security sector on a democratic foundation. Without deep, structural, and inclusive reforms, the country will not achieve a democratic future.

For genuine democracy, accountable policing, a transparent defence system, responsible intelligence agencies, a free media, and effective civilian oversight are essential. Therefore, reforming the security sector is unavoidable.

#ANM Muniruzzaman is retired Major General & President, Bangladesh Institute of Peace and Security Studies.

*The opinions expressed are those of the author.