Most men in this country are preoccupied with politics. Women from farming families spend their entire days with household chores and fieldwork. Where is the time to think of anything else? Whether politics or literature—these are luxuries of leisure for the urban middle class, these just satisfy the hunger of their minds.
In the villages, men’s political thoughts revolve around elections. It’s a seasonal concern. In the cities, of course, there are professional, full-time politicians. Now it is election season. Everyone is shaking off the dust; the political field is heating up day by day. Speakers on the stage are fired up.
Showdowns are taking place on the streets. Everyone seems to feel obliged to loudly proclaim that “I am good and everyone else is bad.” Different groups are eyeing the throne of power and getting entangled in internal squabbles. Their words burst like firecrackers—who loves the people more? Whenever elections approach, their overflowing baskets of “love for the people” are put on public display.
A political tsunami swept across the country in July–August 2024. Now everyone seems to be forgetting it. There is no sign of change in the language of politics or in the behavior of politicians. Everything continues as before—street fights, venomous rhetoric, character assassination.
The July movement may have overturned the seat of power, but it could not change the nature of people. Different groups cannot agree on anything. If one says “Let’s go east,” another insists on going west. And yet, everyone loudly demands national unity. What kind of mockery is this?
Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Andolan, and eight other parties have warned they will stage an indefinite sit-in outside the Chief Adviser’s residence if their five-point demands—including implementation of the July National Charter and holding a referendum in November—are not fulfilled. A gazette on the July Charter has already been issued. That has somewhat cooled the fire. But they are grumbling about holding the election and the referendum on the same day. The BNP initially opposed the referendum. Later, sensing the situation, they proposed holding both on the same day. The government adopted that proposal. As a result, Jamaat considers this a victory for the BNP.
A political tsunami swept across the country in July–August 2024. Now everyone seems to be forgetting it. There is no sign of change in the language of politics or in the behavior of politicians. Everything continues as before—street fights, venomous rhetoric, character assassination.
People expect that judges will not behave like common citizens. But they too are human, with demands of their own. On 18 November, the Bangladesh Judicial Service Association presented a two-point demand: security personnel at all judges’ residences and protection during their travel. They even set a deadline, saying they would go on a nationwide work stoppage if their demands were not met.
This raises a question. The government is responsible for ensuring the safety of all citizens. If everyone gets security, they will too. Otherwise, the demands sound somewhat like those of a trade union.
Another event occurred on 15 November. From an “international conference” in Dhaka came the demand that the Ahmadiyya community (Qadianis) be declared non-Muslim by the state. The conference, organised by the Sammilito Khatme Nabuwwat Parishad under the supervision of the Khatme Nabuwwat Protection Committee Bangladesh, was attended by scholars from five countries including Bangladesh.
A year-long program was announced for 2026 to push the demand for declaring Ahmadiyyas non-Muslim. It may be recalled that, under pressure from certain clerics, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto declared the Ahmadiyyas non-Muslim in 1974. Pakistani scholars were also present at this conference in Suhrawardy Udyan. There are allegations that attempts are being made to stir unrest around the Ahmadiyya issue.
The police force is in the most fragile position. During the July 2024 movement, people were outraged by their excessive use of force. Before that anger could subside, the Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Sheikh Mohammad Sajjat Ali created new controversy. On 16 November, a radio message from him said the police would fire at anyone attempting to set fire to vehicles or throw cocktails if such actions put lives and property at risk.
Recently, there have indeed been incidents of arson and sabotage attempts in many places—allegedly carried out by activists of the Awami League (whose activities are currently banned). In this context, the DMP Commissioner issued the message. He explained, “Those who throw cocktails at people and police, or set vehicles on fire, will lawfully be shot at.”
Barely a year and a quarter after the July 2024 uprising, the country appears to be returning to its old ways. The hope of not going back to the pre-5 August political order seems increasingly utopian. Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina—deposed and in exile—continues to threaten that she could return at any moment.
Such remarks from a responsible police officer are undesirable. He must act within the law. Past governments, in the name of suppressing terrorism and sabotage, opened fire indiscriminately. That is not acceptable. One may recall how, in 1972, Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman instructed police and the Rakkhi Bahini to “shoot Naxals on sight.” Maulana Bhashani protested, saying, “Does anyone have ‘Naxal’ written on their body?”
17 November was the day of verdict for crimes against humanity committed during the July uprising. On that day, a group of protesters attempted to demolish Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s house at Dhanmondi 32 using two excavators. The army and police stopped them, resulting in repeated clashes there. They had gone to show how “brave” they were by tearing down the house—only to be chased away by the police and military.
Recently, some Jamaat leaders have been accused of saying that voting for Jamaat is equivalent to securing a ticket to heaven. What could be a more potent weapon for political manipulation of innocent religious emotion?
On 22 March, BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said, “If anyone finds where it says that cutting Jamaat’s ticket (vote) is cutting one’s ticket to heaven, show me where it is written!” Alluding to Jamaat, he said, “A fascist force has ruined all institutions of the country by placing its loyalists everywhere.”
Meanwhile, Jamaat’s central leader Shahjahan Chowdhury yelled in Chattogram on 22 November, saying, “In every constituency, you must bring the administration under your control. They must act on our word—arrest, file cases, do everything. The police must walk behind you. The local OC must check your schedule every morning and give you protocol.” The Bangladesh Police Service Association has protested the statement.
On 23 November in Chauddagram, Cumilla, BNP activists clashed with activists of Jamaat and Chhatra Shibir. At least seven people from both sides were injured—three from the BNP and one from Jamaat are in critical condition.
Barely a year and a quarter after the July 2024 uprising, the country appears to be returning to its old ways. The hope of not going back to the pre-5 August political order seems increasingly utopian. Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina—deposed and in exile—continues to threaten that she could return at any moment.
We have fallen into a maze.
* Mohiuddin Ahmed is a writer and researcher
* The views expressed are the author’s own