I have no address outside Bangladesh: Khaleda Zia

During the hearing and legal arguments of the Zia Orphanage Trust case filed against her, former Prime Minister and BNP Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia had submitted her defence and addressed the court in February 2018. Excerpts of the statement are reproduced for Prothom Alo readers in two parts. The second part is published here today.

Khaleda Zia at the court premisesFile Photo

…I do not consider myself above law and justice. I only want to say that, even though another leader was accused in a similar case and enjoyed certain privileges, I have never claimed such privileges from the court. I am content if I receive only the rights due to me as an ordinary senior citizen of this country.

Legally, beyond fair justice, I have nothing else to ask from the honourable court. I also believe it is for the court to consider whether the manner in which I am being treated today is consistent with my position and role, and whether any discrimination is being done against me in this process.

…In this subcontinent, even leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Mohammad Ali, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Chittaranjan Das and Jawaharlal Nehru have, at some point, faced imprisonment under some court verdict. People like Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King, Bertrand Russell, and Benigno Aquino have also been sentenced in one form of trial or another.

Behind all those so-called verdicts, some argument, excuse or legal rationale was presented. Even great humans like Hazrat Imam Abu Hanifa and Socrates were punished in the name of justice. Has the world ever accepted those judgments as true justice?

Have those verdicts withstood the test of history? Those who were declared guilty and punished - history and humanity have bestowed upon them immeasurable honour. History has judged that the true criminals are those who delivered verdicts convicting the innocent. For them, a divine punishment is already determined. Even in this world, their names and memories continue to collect the hatred and condemnation of countless people, generation after generation.

As long as this world exists, as long as humans exist, as long as history is studied, and as long as human memory endures, this hatred and condemnation towards them will continue.

Honourable Court, some people learn from the lessons of history, while others do not. Those who learn are honoured by humanity and history. Those who do not learn take their place in the dustbin of history, under the hatred and condemnation of people. In the course of time, today will also become history. This very case will surely serve as a valuable material for history.

In the name of movements demanding parliamentary elections under a non-partisan caretaker government, they created a climate of violent clashes and lawlessness across the country, as everyone knows

Therefore, against this backdrop, it is for you to decide whether you will learn from the lessons of history. For this, you must rely on careful judgment, wisdom, foresight, courage, and integrity. Time will tell whether, guided by law and conscience, you were able to arrive at the right decision.

Honourable Court, I am sure you will agree with me that unity and coordination amid diversity are the true beauty of a democratic society. Democracy cannot survive if dissent is met with suppression, revenge, or vindictiveness; rather, it requires respect for differing views and the encouragement of coexistence. We know this, understand it, and uphold it.

You are aware of how violently differing opinions and demands for rights among political rivals have repeatedly turned confrontational in this country. I will not go too far back in history; I will cite some examples from the recent past. You know the situation created by the Awami League, the Jatiya Party, and their once-close allies and collaborators, Jamaat-e-Islami, during their time in power.

In the name of movements demanding parliamentary elections under a non-partisan caretaker government, they created a climate of violent clashes and lawlessness across the country, as everyone knows. Day after day, strikes and blockades paralysed public life.

They kept our national economy’s “lifeline,” the seaports, closed for long periods. They set railway stations on fire. They threw bombs at public transport carrying common citizens and burned them. Using gunpowder, they set fire to moving buses, killing many innocent passengers by burning them alive. Many others were killed in different ways. They crushed the heads of police officers on duty with bricks.

Elderly office-goers were accosted in the streets and publicly humiliated. Women were insulted and assaulted. They created chaos inside the secretariat and spread filth in various places. For long periods, they blocked roads, halting public movement with prolonged sit-ins. They incited rebellion and disorder within the civil administration.

Above all, they publicly encouraged the armed forces to seize power, destroying democracy. I do not wish to go into further detail. In 2001, we were again elected to government with overwhelming public support.
Yet once again, violent clashes in the name of street protests resumed and continued throughout our tenure. From the police to the judiciary, the Supreme Court, and even the Chief Justice’s courtroom, nothing was spared from that violence.

Khaleda Zia greets supporters after court hearing
File Photo

The culmination of that continuous terror came on the open streets, where many people were brutally beaten to death with sticks and clubs in a monstrous manner. The outcome of these acts was also not fortunate. Under the pretext of the violence, the then army chief illegally seized power by suspending the national election process.

He formed a so-called caretaker or emergency government with a group loyal to him. With them in place, the army chief continued to control everything. By postponing the elections, this illegal rule was extended for up to two years.

Sheikh Hasina left the country. On her way, she told journalists at the airport that the illegal government was the fruit of their movement. She pledged legitimacy to all their actions. She even called upon that illegal government to arrest me

You know that I did not support this illegal process; rather, those who are now illegally in power without the people’s vote were the ones who, at the time, enthusiastically supported the illegal rulers. They said that it was the fruit of their movement. But very soon, the true nature and intentions of those illegal rulers became clear to everyone.

They began all kinds of efforts to forcibly put both Sheikh Hasina and me in a “minus” position. I was placed under house arrest. A ban was imposed preventing Sheikh Hasina, who was abroad, from returning to the country. When she did return, she was arrested. In the court premises, she suffered extreme humiliation.

I could have remained silent at that time. But I did not accept the injustice. Even under house arrest, I strongly protested the unjust treatment of Sheikh Hasina. In my statement, I demanded her release.

On this matter, I must speak a few words about that time. I did not think of my own or my family’s safety. The emergency government of Moeen Uddin-Fakhruddin was not a legitimate government. It was not formed according to the Constitution. They forcibly took power at gunpoint.

They remained in power illegally for nearly two years under a state of emergency. I could never, in any way, support them. They sought my support. They even told me to leave the country with my family for safety. I did not comply. I did not think of my own or my family’s safety.

I told them clearly that I have no address outside Bangladesh. In life and in death, I wish to remain in Bangladesh. Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League supported that illegal government. They even participated gleefully in its oath-taking ceremony.

Following their advice, Sheikh Hasina left the country. On her way, she told journalists at the airport that the illegal government was the fruit of their movement. She pledged legitimacy to all their actions. She even called upon that illegal government to arrest me, pointing towards the late President Ziaur Rahman and my elder son, Tarique Rahman.
Tarique Rahman, now disabled from that torture, is still undergoing treatment abroad. Honourable Court, you know that the Fakhruddin-Moeen Uddin illegal government had arrested me and my two sons on false charges. While in custody, they attempted to kill us through monstrous torture.

My elder son, Tarique Rahman, remains disabled and is still receiving treatment abroad. My younger son never regained a normal, healthy life. While undergoing treatment abroad, he passed away prematurely, leaving us forever. Bearing the unbearable pain of losing a child so early, I continue to work for the country and its people.

…During my tenure in office, I never personally benefited from anyone’s money, nor did I provide financial gain to anyone. I performed my duties with integrity, did not break any law, and committed no crime. I am completely innocent and deserve acquittal in this case.

I conclude my statement by referring to a translation of Surah An-Nisa, Ayat 135, from the Holy Quran: "O you who believe! Stand firmly for justice, even if it is against yourselves, your parents, or your close relatives, whether the person is rich or poor. Allah is more concerned for them than you are. Therefore, do not follow personal desire when you give judgment. And if you distort testimony or refuse to give it, Allah is fully aware of all your deeds."

Honourable Court, thank you. Allah Hafiz.

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