Leftist parties lost in electoral field — and in politics too

For decades, leftist parties have claimed to do politics for the poor, workers, and peasants. But election results show that they are unable to attract even the votes of the very classes they claim to represent. In the 13th National Parliamentary Election, every candidate of the leftist alliance lost their security deposit.

Ahead of this election, nine left-oriented parties formed an alliance. It included almost every stream once identified as pro-China or pro-Soviet. Yet even after forming the alliance, they could not ensure single candidates in constituencies. For example, in the Kishoreganj-1 seat, the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), the Socialist Party of Bangladesh (BASAD), and the Socialist Party of Bangladesh (Marxist) fielded separate candidates. But none of them crossed even one thousand votes. Even Manisha Chakraborty, who received the highest number of votes among alliance candidates, was not the alliance’s sole candidate in Barishal-5.

In the last election, not only did leftist party candidates fail to win, but every alliance candidate lost their deposit. That means they failed to secure even one-eighth of the total votes cast in their respective constituencies. The alliance is called the “Ganatantrik Juktofront” (Democratic United Front). It was formally launched through a national convention on 29 November last year. The alliance fielded candidates in 149 constituencies.

BASAD’s prominent candidate Manisha Chakraborty received 22,486 votes in Barishal, which alliance leaders and activists viewed as respectable. CPB president Kazi Sazzad Zahir Chandan, from the alliance’s largest partner, received only 839 votes in Narsingdi-4. CPB general secretary Abdullah Kafi Ratan received 342 votes from Cumilla-5. BASAD general secretary Bazlur Rashid Firoz and adviser Khalekuzzaman did not even contest the election.

The core themes of leftist parties’ manifestos, party constitutions, and leaders’ speeches revolve around the poor, laborers, and peasants. Yet they have failed to gain acceptance in industrial worker areas, among the relatively poor populations of northern Bangladesh, or in agriculture-based regions. They have also failed to reach the urban middle class.

Since independence under Awami League leadership, the country has effectively been run by centrists. The central political question became: who would keep the centrists under pressure or maintain balance — the leftists or the rightists? In electoral politics, Islamist groups steadily advanced while pushing leftists further back. Major examples include Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Oikya Jote, Islami Andolan, Khelafat Majlish, Jamiat, and other parties.

On the other hand, during the rule of military dictator HM Ershad and up until the mass uprising of the 1990s, leftist parties played a role in pressuring centrist parties and maintaining balance between them. For instance, during the anti-Ershad movement, both BNP and Awami League were uncomfortable holding meetings at each other’s offices. At that time, meetings between the alliances led by Awami League and BNP were held at the CPB office. But now, few believe CPB or any leftist party still holds such a position. Their activities are mostly limited to discussion meetings or small rallies around the Press Club and Gulistan. In other words, leftist parties have become largely irrelevant both in politics and in electoral competition.

Discussions about building a left democratic alternative have continued for years. But due to leadership infighting, division, and so-called theoretical disputes, there is no unity among themselves. Suspicion, mistrust, and internal conflict are also intense within the parties. As a result, many leftist parties have split into multiple factions, adding bracketed labels to their names. The fragmentation among leftist parties has reached such a level that it has become a source of humor — as if they are breaking down into “molecules and atoms.”

Before independence, communist leaders showed some success in the 1954 election by contesting independently and under the United Front. Because of their role in the anti-Ershad movement, left-oriented parties won nine seats in the 1991 election through understandings with Awami League and other parties. However, BNP, Awami League, Jatiya Party, and Jamaat-e-Islami became the country’s enduring political forces. After that, communists and leftists could no longer stand on their own strength. They only continued to decline.

Panchagarh-2 had long been an organisationally strong constituency for the CPB, especially Boda upazila. It was also the birthplace of late CPB general secretary Mohammad Farhad. He was elected MP from that seat in 1986. In the 1991 election, CPB’s Mozahar Hossain became MP there. In 1993, Mozahar Hossain joined BNP and later became MP multiple times. In 1996, CPB candidate Selim Uddin received only 952 votes. In the 2001 election, Selim Uddin received 1,673 votes as the CPB candidate. In the 2008 election, CPB’s Ashraful Alam received 936 votes. In the latest 13th parliamentary election, Ashraful Alam’s votes decreased by one — to 935.

In the latest election in Panchagarh-2, BNP defeated Jamaat. Parties like Islami Andolan, Bangladesh JASAD, Jatiya Party, and even Bangladesh Supreme Party received more votes than the CPB candidate.

Another organisationally strong area for the CPB is Durgapur in Netrokona district — the birthplace of late CPB president and revolutionary Moni Singh. This is Netrokona-1 constituency. In 1991, Chhabi Biswas received 3,918 votes as the CPB candidate. In the next election, Moni Singh’s son Dibalok Singh contested and received even fewer votes — 1,728. In the 2001 election, Dibalok Singh’s votes increased to 3,493. In 2008, CPB candidate Siddikur Rahman received 4,514 votes. In the 13th National Parliamentary Election, CPB candidate Alkas Uddin Mir received 4,429 votes. That means CPB’s vote base has not significantly increased.

Debidwar in Cumilla is the birthplace of renowned leftist politician Professor Muzaffar Ahmed. In the 1954 election, Muzaffar defeated a provincial minister there. Later too, the area remained important for leftists. In the 1986 election, Muzaffar Ahmed contested from NAP and finished second with more than 21,000 votes. In the 1991 election, he narrowly lost after securing over 26,000 votes. Since then, neither NAP nor any leftist party has played a significant role in elections there.

The same fate befell another leftist leader, Rashed Khan Menon. In 1991, he was elected MP from Barishal-2 by defeating candidates from Awami League, Jatiya Party, BNP, and others. In the 1996 election in the same constituency, he fell to fourth place. In 2001, he slipped further to fifth. BNP’s Moazzem Hossain Alal received more than 60,000 votes, while Menon received just over 8,000. In the following three elections, Menon won from Dhaka using Awami League’s “boat” symbol under electoral understandings with the party. In the 2024 “ami-dummy” election, Menon again won from Barishal-2 — once more not under his own party symbol, but Awami League’s. He also faced no real competitor there.

JASAD president Hasanul Haq Inu has consistently contested from Kushtia-2. In the 1991 election, he finished fourth with around 21,500 votes. In 1996, he slipped further to fifth place. In the 2001 election, he performed comparatively better and finished third. In the 2008 election, through an understanding with Awami League, he became an MP for the first time. In the following two controversial elections (2014 and 2018), he again became MP and later a minister with Awami League support. But in the 2024 “ami-dummy” election, Inu lost to an Awami League rebel candidate.

Beyond these examples, most top leaders of leftist parties have failed to win in competitive elections. Leaders of parties such as the Samyabadi Dal, Gon Azadi League, Ganatantri Party, and NAP are rarely even seen contesting elections.

However, former BASAD general secretary and current chief adviser Khalekuzzaman does not see poor electoral performance as overly significant. He told Prothom Alo that it cannot be said that leftist politics lacks weaknesses or shortcomings. But the kind of politics currently prevailing in the country is not favorable to leftist forces. This politics has no connection with the hopes and aspirations of the people.

This veteran leftist politician believes that capitalism and religious nationalism are currently rising worldwide, including in Bangladesh, but that this will not last forever. Only then will leftist politics regain strength. However, he said leftists themselves must also develop planning, strategy, and unity — and there are shortcomings there as well.

Currently, there are 60 registered political parties in the country. In the 13th National Parliamentary Election held on 12 February this year, 50 parties and independent candidates participated. Among them, roughly 11 were left-oriented parties. Leaders of several unregistered parties also contested in alliance with other groups.

An analysis of Election Commission results shows that the combined vote share of all leftist parties failed to cross even 1 per cent. Among them, the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), which contested the highest number of seats — 63 — secured only 0.08 per cent of the vote. BASAD contested 36 seats and received even fewer votes than CPB.

Yet in the 1991 parliamentary election, CPB alone won five seats in parliament after Awami League left 12 constituencies for the party. In that election, CPB received more than 600,000 votes nationwide — close to 2 per cent of the total vote. Altogether, left-oriented parties then secured more than 3 per cent of the vote.

Leftist parties are now divided into three streams. One stream — including Workers Party, JASAD, Ganatantri Party, Samyabadi Dal (ML), Communist Kendra, and others — joined an alliance with Awami League in 2004. From 2008 until Sheikh Hasina’s fall in 2024, they contested elections together. Rashed Khan Menon, Hasanul Haq Inu, and Dilip Barua became ministers. Many others became MPs as well. However, most contested using Awami League’s “boat” symbol.

Another group of left-oriented parties and leaders joined BNP in anti-Awami League movements. These included Ganosamhati Andolon, Biplobi Workers Party, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD), Samyabadi Dal, and Nagorik Oikya. They carried out simultaneous anti-Awami League movements alongside BNP. In the 13th parliamentary election, however, Zonayed Saki’s Ganosamhati Andolon and Saiful Haque’s Biplobi Workers Party reached seat-sharing understandings with BNP. Among them, only Zonayed Saki won and later became state minister for planning. ASM Abdur Rob’s JSD, Mahmudur Rahman Manna’s Nagorik Oikya, and other parties failed to secure seat-sharing opportunities.

The third stream is the “Democratic United Front.” Its constituent parties include CPB, BASAD, Democratic Revolutionary Party, Revolutionary Communist League, Socialist Movement of Bangladesh, BASAD (Marxist), Bangladesh JASAD, Socialist Party of Bangladesh (BASAD-Mahbub), Sonar Bangla Party, and Oikya NAP. In 2018, six parties led by CPB and BASAD had earlier formed the Left Democratic Alliance. Before that, there was the Left Democratic Front.

Writer and researcher Mohiuddin Ahmed told Prothom Alo that after the 1954 election, communist politics gradually lost significance and relevance. People no longer understand their agenda, and as a result they lack public engagement. He does not believe they will be able to influence Bangladesh’s politics or elections in the future either. At best, they may get a small taste of power as appendages of bourgeois parties like Awami League or BNP.

Mentioning that repeated party splits have left communists in worse shape even than the Muslim League, Mohiuddin Ahmed said communists do not understand politics aimed at capturing state power. They split parties over disputes regarding words, positions, and titles. Bourgeois parties, on the other hand, believe they can attain power — and they have. That is why, despite internal divisions, they are still able to maintain a certain degree of cohesion.