Prothom Alo :
What prompted you to join the July mass uprising?
Abdul Kader: After enrolling at the University of Dhaka, my dream was to work for students' rights. I tried to contribute in every way I could, whether through small or large initiatives. Whenever a student was subjected to torture in a hall "guest room," I joined protests even in the middle of the night. We were jailed over a memorial gathering for BUET student Abrar Fahad. Many teachers and well-wishers would advise me, saying, "Your father works as a security guard. He's ill. You're the eldest son in your family. You have to shoulder your family's responsibilities."
In my first year at university, Chhatra League expelled me from my residential hall. I lived in a rented apartment in the Kajla area of Jatrabari. I had five private tutoring jobs, but despite that, as part of my organisational work, I spent every day from 12:00 p.m. to 2:00 p.m. in front of the university's Central Library. I felt that if I stayed silent as a young man while the country was under an authoritarian government and simply accepted it as fate, I would never be able to live with that in my older years. That conviction drove me to do something.
I was also involved in the quota reform movement. At one stage, when government forces were carrying out severe repression against students and none of the movement's senior leaders were present, I consulted with others and did everything I could to keep the movement going and strengthen its momentum.
We wanted to free ourselves from injustice and oppression. Our mindset was that, even if it cost us our lives, we would still play our part in bringing down the authoritarian regime. That was our main source of motivation
At a time when the movement's frontline leaders were in hiding or detained by law enforcement, and fear had spread across the country, you took the risk of declaring the nine-point demands. Where did you find the courage to do that?
Abdul Kader: On 6 January 2024, I stood in front of the Raju memorial sculpture to protest the sham election held on 7 January. I stood there even though I knew we could face enforced disappearance. We did so because we wanted to free ourselves from injustice and oppression. Our mindset was that, even if it cost us our lives, we would still play our part in bringing down the authoritarian regime. That was our main source of motivation.
Prothom Alo :
How were the nine-point demands formulated?
Abdul Kader: At the time, I was mainly in contact with Nahid Islam (now Convener of the NCP and Chief Whip of the opposition in parliament) and Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuiyan. But after the afternoon of 18 July, I couldn't reach anyone. From July 17 to 19, the situation was like this: a few phone calls would go through offline, but the internet was being shut down. I remained involved in the protests in the Jatrabari area until 20 July.
On 19 July, I attended Friday prayers at the Jame Mosque near Jatrabari police station. After the prayers, a procession emerged from the mosque, and seven people were killed in police gunfire. I was left stunned, amid the panic, people running in every direction, and cries of grief. Members of the Chhatra League were standing guard at the gate of a nearby hospital in the Shanir Akhra area. They were preventing people from entering and attacking them with machetes. The same scene was unfolding in the neighboring area of Rayerbagh.
A teenage boy was staring at his phone, sobbing uncontrollably. Before the prayers, he and several friends had taken a group photo. They all joined the procession afterward, and one of those friends had been killed. He told me, "I'm never leaving this movement. If necessary, I'll die too."
In the midst of all this, I kept trying to contact Nahid Bhai and Asif Bhai by phone. At around 3:30 pm, SM Farhad, a leader of Islami Chhatra Shibir (now the General Secretary of DUCSU), called me. He said he couldn't reach anyone by phone. I told him I was facing the same problem. He then said that coordinators Hasnat Abdullah, Sarjis Alam, and Hasib Al Islam were reportedly preparing to sit with the government for a compromise.
Earlier, on 16 July, after Abu Sayeed was killed in Rangpur, the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) summoned Nahid Bhai to the office of the University of Dhaka Vice-Chancellor and told him, "Hold a press conference and say that you're ready to enter talks." Hasnat and Sarjis agreed to that proposal. Nahid Bhai replied, "I can't do anything without consulting Baker, Kader, Asif, and the others. If I hold a press conference like that, people will call me a traitor."
Nahid Bhai told them he would issue a press statement after returning home. DGFI then said, "Fine, issue a press statement. But it must state that you're prepared to sit down with the government for talks." Up until then, we had been willing to hold talks, but the government had refused. This time, they were the ones asking for dialogue.
That night, sometime before 11:00 pm, we held a virtual meeting. Nahid Bhai had told DGFI that a press statement would be issued, so we discussed what demands it should contain. Coordinators Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam joined the meeting, along with leaders of the then Gonotantrik Chhatra Shakti. Nahid Bhai asked, "After five people have been killed, should we limit ourselves to demanding quota reform, or should we raise broader demands?"
Among the proposals were the prosecution of those responsible for the attacks, trials of Awami League ministers including Obaidul Quader and Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, and the resignation of vice-chancellors and proctors at universities where attacks on students had taken place.
The press statement said that the government was responsible for the crisis and therefore had to find a way to resolve it. At around 12:30 am, Hasnat Abdullah posted the statement on Facebook and sent it to journalists. When he sent it out, however, he added a sentence on his own.
We went to sleep that night. The next morning, 17 July, Shibir leader Farhad Bhai called me and said, "You're betraying the blood of the martyrs." When I asked why he was saying that, he replied, "Television news tickers are saying that the students are ready for talks and want to return to their studies. But we never wrote that anywhere."
When we called Hasnat Bhai, he said, "I showed it to you." When we asked him to show us the final version, he admitted that he had made a mistake and apologised. He said, "I swear to God, I'll never make a mistake like that again."
The demands we had agreed upon on the night of 16 July had still not been publicly announced. I discussed them with Farhad Bhai. About an hour later, he prepared a draft incorporating our demands along with several additional ones. The first point called for the government to offer an unconditional apology and resign.
I told him that I couldn't support that at the time. I didn't think it was yet appropriate for students to demand the government's resignation, because we had not held any discussions with political parties. I said that we could demand an unconditional apology, but not resignation. If Sheikh Hasina apologised, I argued, she would no longer have any moral legitimacy anyway.
The second point called for the prosecution of ministers including Obaidul Quader and Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, as well as the resignation of university vice-chancellors and proctors. The seventh point stated that "student politics must be banned."
Farhad Bhai and I argued over that point for 20 to 30 minutes. He said, "If student politics isn't banned, then if the movement fails, the Chhatra League will kill us." I replied, "Without student politics, today's movement would never have happened." Eventually, I suggested that we instead call for banning partisan student politics. That way, whichever student organisations engaged in repression could be prohibited. He accepted the proposal.
That's how the nine-point demands were ultimately formulated.
What thoughts were going through your mind at that time?
Abdul Kader: The movement was never dependent on me. We were merely playing the role of spokespersons for the aspirations of the people.
Prothom Alo :
Standing in July two years later, how do you feel when you think back to the announcement of the nine-point demands?
Abdul Kader: People brought about the uprising by sacrificing their lives. Their goal was to create a change. They took to the streets, and then they withdrew from the streets. But their hopes, aspirations, and ideas have not been realised. During Hasina's rule, people had no value. The same pattern continued. It was deeply disappointing. The post-uprising interim government never called us. Our opinions had no value to them, let alone the opinions of the millions of people who took to the streets.
On the night of 5 August, Nahid, Asif, Mahfuz, and others finalised the list of advisers at the home of Nabila Idris (a former member of the Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances). There was no consideration of what the people wanted, or whether they wanted students to take part in running the government. We do not know how it was decided who would be included in the liaison committee. During the interim government's tenure, mob incidents occurred in various places, including campuses, and the culture of labeling and targeting people returned. There was not the slightest sign of accountability in these matters.
Power changed hands by using the people. But there was no space for people's aspirations, demands, opinions, or participation. In terms of public participation in policymaking, the situation under the interim government was the same as it had been during Hasina's rule. The same picture was seen during the BNP's rule as well.
At the meeting held at Bangabhaban on the evening of 7 August, attended by the chiefs of the three armed forces, the fate of the country was decided. There, amid the blood of the martyrs, discussions took place over how many advisers would come from BNP, how many from Jamaat, and how many would represent the students. The advisory council was formed without the opinions of the people, students, intellectuals, or experts.
The health adviser and the adviser for relief and disaster management were physically unwell. How would they run their ministries? Their true intention was power. The way every sector collapsed during Sheikh Hasina's rule has only pushed the country closer to the brink. The safety and security of people's lives and property have been destroyed. There was mismanagement in the vaccine program. Corruption did not stop in any sector. They have put themselves in such a position that when people talk about reform, they respond with anger and criticism. We will have to bear the consequences of this for a long time.
We were not included in that 7 August meeting. Even after taking responsibility during the movement in their absence, I was not given access to the meeting. During the movement, we coordinated with students from various universities and student organisations. But after the uprising, no one was called again. Even if it was not possible to include everyone, representatives from different levels could have been invited.
A person who had lost their wife came and handed over her gold jewellery to us. But we could not preserve that person's trust. Now, even if we make a sincere call, people will not come. If someone else becomes authoritarian in the future, people will not trust anyone. A possibility that could have shaped the long-term future has been destroyed.
How did the decision come about to announce the one-point demand from the Central Shaheed Minar on 3 August?
Abdul Kader: On 1 August, the six coordinators were released from the DB office. That day, at 12:05 pm, Asif Bhai called me and said, “Be careful. If they find you, they will kill you.” At 1:13 pm, he messaged me saying, “We senior members have been released; do not announce any programs without discussing them with us.”
They had been in DB custody for several days and did not have a clear understanding of the situation outside. So, on 2 August, I announced a program of prayers, supplications, and a protest march in a WhatsApp group of journalists. Asif Bhai immediately objected. The strongest objection came in the evening. After that, several journalists called me and said that Sarjis Alam had deleted my program announcement from the WhatsApp group and written: “This is Kader’s personal program; Kader is not a high-level coordinator; we will announce the next program after discussion.”
Later, I saw that Sarjis had removed me from the group. I could no longer send any messages there.
At that time, I could not reach Nahid Bhai or Asif Bhai by phone. Later, I had Sarjis’ message deleted through the group’s admin coordinator Abdullah Salehin Ayon. Ayon added me back to the group. I reposted the program announcement that Sarjis had deleted. I also removed Sarjis from the group.
Asif Bhai told me, “I had told you not to do this. You should have discussed it before announcing a program.” I replied, “Bhai, I haven’t done anything wrong.”
At that time, Hasnat Bhai and Sarjis Bhai were having serious disagreements with Nahid Bhai and Asif Bhai. Hasnat and Sarjis were saying, “You are running a movement against the government; you are carrying out a movement on behalf of BNP and Jamaat. Stop Kader.”
At one point, I called Sadik Bhai (Sadik Kayem, the current DUCSU vice-president) and said, “Sarjis is behaving this way; please stop them.” I do not know what Sadik did, but at one stage Sarjis became quiet.
That night, it was decided that we would meet after Friday prayers on 2 August to discuss the dispute that had arisen. It was impossible to convince Hasnat and Sarjis. They no longer wanted to continue the movement. Hasib Al Islam was also with them.
After Friday prayers, we held an online meeting. Leaders and activists of the then Chhatra Shakti were present there. During the meeting, Hasib said that he did not want to continue the movement. He felt it was too risky. People were dying, and the responsibility was ours.
At one point, I became agitated and said, “It doesn’t matter who does or does not continue the movement; no one should sabotage it.” I said this because, at the time, after the announcement of the program, Hasib had made several Facebook posts criticising us.
While this meeting was taking place, around 3:00 to 3:30 pm, a protest rally was leaving from the Press Club under the leadership of Professor Anu Muhammad. I was updating the senior members about what was being said there. By then, people had mentally reached the point of demanding a single-point agenda.
I informed the seniors that Professor Anu Muhammad and others were going from the march to the Central Shaheed Minar to announce the demand for the government’s resignation. As a result, people would no longer wait for us; we needed to move toward a one-point demand.
In response, Mahfuj Alam (a former adviser) told me during the meeting, “We will not move toward a one-point demand now. You withdraw the nine points and reduce them to four points.” Those four points were: campuses must be reopened, July fighters must be provided security, and medical and legal assistance must be provided. Their thinking was that after campuses reopened, they would reorganise and return to the movement.
Asif Bhai raised the idea of a non-cooperation movement. I said we should consider a one-point demand, because the situation was precarious and the movement was slipping out of our hands.
As part of the program we announced on 2 August a huge procession was held in Anderkilla, Chattogram. However, the program in Dhaka was smaller in scale because we could not coordinate who would be present in which parts of the city. Previously, programs were divided by areas: Chhatra Dal would be in one section, Shibir in another. Such coordination had been done every day since 22–23 July.
Two years later, what are your thoughts? What has this movement given the nation?
Abdul Kader: I have spoken about disappointment for some time, but I remain hopeful. July has opened the door to the possibility that we can bring about change. Previously, we did not have voting rights; now our right to vote has been established. A sense of accountability toward the people has developed among elected representatives, including the prime minister. There has also been a change in people's attitudes. People have gained hope that, if they want, they can hold the government accountable. The awareness that has emerged among the people must be sustained.
Most of the student leaders who were at the forefront of the July Uprising have formed and joined a new political party. You have not joined. Why?
Abdul Kader: I do not have any desire to become an MP or minister right now. Before July, I said what I believed and acted accordingly. In today's politics, the issue of accountability has become very shallow. People do not practice what they say. That is why I have not involved myself in anything.
I was asked to join the NCP. I asked what my role would be. They told me to prepare my constituency. I did not want to engage in politics of preparing a constituency. The problem with the NCP is that one would have to take responsibility there, but there is no real opportunity to work.
Mainstream political parties and various left-wing parties have also invited me to join. But I do not see any hope in politics at the moment. So, for now, I am not joining any party.
I am the eldest child in my family, and I have two younger brothers. But I have never really looked after my family. My father works as a security guard. My mother is very ill. After my grandmother passed away some time ago, I realised that I now need to give my family some time.
I am a political person. I will certainly do politics. For now, I have taken a break.