Interview: Zahed Ur Rahman

The government wants to remain popular with the majority

Zahed Ur Rahman is a political analyst and member of the electoral reforms commission. In an interview with Prothom Alo's Monzurul Islam and Rafsan Galib, he talks about the interim government, the present and future politics of the country, Bangladesh-India relations and more.

Prothom Alo:

The interim government came to power through a mass uprising and with huge public support. Six months on, do you feel there is a dent in the government's popularity?

Zahed Ur Rahman

Yes, I do see a dip in public support for the government. Actually the government did not have the scope to do very much in such a short span of time. But we did want to see it making an effort, taking action. Quite naturally, they may not have been successful in many areas, but I see them failing to take proper action in many instances.

People still have to wait inordinately long in queues behind the TCB trucks just to save 250 to 300 taka. Reform, change, nothing is important to them anymore. They see the prices of things are not stable, VAT is being hiked, there is no tangible improvement in law and order. Different quarters are being irked for different reasons and at the end of the day, the government's popularity is waning.

I feel the government wants to remain popular with everyone. But no government can remain popular with everyone. Government means an administrator. When it takes any step, there will be people who will be displeased, people who will be pleased. But the interim government till now has not acted like a government in the true sense of the word.

I realise that people have high expectations from the government. Since we have achieved this government through the sacrifice of so much blood, the pressure of expectations will naturally be high. Not being able to deal with that pressure in another cause for the fall in the government's popularity.

Zahed Ur Rahman
Prothom Alo:

The government has become excessively dependent on the bureaucracy, or rather the bureaucracy is putting up many obstacles in front of the government, it is being said. What do you think?

Zahed Ur Rahman

The chief advisor himself has spoken about the bureaucracy. This is not a political government, but it hasn't just popped up from nowhere. No government had such huge popularity before in Bangladesh. The armed forces too have laudably maintained support. After all this if the government cannot control the bureaucrats, then I would say this is totally the failure of the government. How they reacted to the statement of the public service reform commission is contrary to the service rules and discipline. But did the government take any exemplary action against them?

Over the past 10 years Awami League was not a party, it was a mafia gang. For as long as it was a party, it represented centrist and left-of-the-centre people. Now that Awami League is not there, there is a fresh polarisation in politics

Prothom Alo :

While there was talk of a national consensus at the outset, differences have emerged over abolishing the constitution, the July proclamation. Many see a distance between the political parties and the government. What are your thoughts?

Zahed Ur Rahman

We must keep in mind that the situation was different before the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government. The fascist system was wiped out with one stroke, the people had united to topple Hasina. After her fall, different groups are coming up with different agendas. The political party that has the possibility of winning in the election, felt that the sooner the election was held, the sooner they could ascend to power. That is why in the beginning BNP had wanted the election within three months.

The students think differently. Those who are behind the students or have influence over them, have their plans too. They are taking to the field with different plans in mind. We see the impact of that on politics now. What happened in July-August of 2024 was not a revolution, it was a mass uprising. Many try to pass off the mass uprising as a "revolution". I feel that has also dampened the potential of positive change that could be achieved through a mass uprising.

Prothom Alo:

There are all sorts of news in the media about the students forming a political party. How do you view that?

Zahed Ur Rahman

The students were undeniably the driving force, the leadership, behind the mass uprising. Given their age and the manner in which they fought and brought down a government, I have my doubts to whether a government can be formed in the same manner.

It would be best if a party was formed with more matured persons, keeping the students as the main focus. Another thing I did not fund appropriate was the students joining the advisory council. Now many are terming their possible party a "King's Party". There are justified reasons behind this. We often find similarity between the statement of the student advisors and that of the Students against Discrimination of the Jatiya Nagorik Committee. The people feel they have influence on various actions of the government.

Talking about the King's Party, in that sense BNP is a King's Party too. So what's the problem? Yes, Ziaur Rahman formed BNP while he was in power, but that was open and announced. But the move by the students is clouded in mystery and a sort of secrecy. The people and the political parties are not taking this well.

The students were undeniably the driving force, the leadership, behind the mass uprising. Given their age and the manner in which they fought and brought down a government, I have my doubts to whether a government can be formed in the same manner

Prothom Alo :

The BNP-Jamaat conflict is being discussed for some time now in political circles. Why has this conflict emerged and where do you think this will lead to in the coming days?

Zahed Ur Rahman

This conflict is political or ideological to some extent, but mostly about votes. BNP and Jamaat were in a movement together at one point of time, they even were together in a coalition government. What is happening between the two parties in the changed circumstances is only natural.

Over the past 10 years Awami League was not a party, it was a mafia gang. For as long as it was a party, it represented centrist and left-of-the-centre people. Now that Awami League is not there, there is a fresh polarisation in politics. BNP had started out with centrist politics which later swerved to the right somewhat. Now they want to remain on the centre path and are more vocal about the liberation war than before.

Jamaat, on the other hand, is bringing its own politics to the fore. It is trying to join hands with other Islamic parties. Under such circumstances, BNP may even shift towards the left. That means conflict between the two parties is inevitable.

Prothom Alo:

BNP has called for elections to be held soon after carrying out a minimum of reforms. The students' platform is criticising this stance of BNP. How do you view these differences?

Zahed Ur Rahman

Actually the political forces are talking about the time for the election according to whatever is to their advantage. Jatiya Nagorik Committee or the students need time to organise their party. It will be to their advantage if the election is held later. But BNP is organised down to the grassroots. They are ready for the election anytime.

That is why differences have broken out among the political forces over the election and reforms. But things can't be just because one side wants it that way. How much they can achieve from the government depends on how much strength they have on ground.

Professor Yunus spoke of a time frame for the election. I feel that an elected government should be put in place in Bangladesh as soon as possible. The call for an election to be held within this year sounds justified to me.

Prothom Alo :

What about reforms?

Reforms must be carried out before and after the election. The government can divide the reforms into two - the constitution must be reformed for some matters and the law, regulations and management must be changed for certain other issues. A parliament is required to change the law. As there is no parliament in place now, laws must be enacted by means of ordinance. And the matters that require changes in the constitution, can be kept for later.

It should not take much time to carry out extremely necessary reforms. I was a member of the election reforms commission. Let me give an example from there. The law through which our parliamentary election is held is the Representation of People's Order (RPO). We can put forward many amendments in the form of proposals in this regard.

Take for example that there are five issues on which everyone is in consensus. These five issues have to be sent to the drafting section of the law ministry. From there this will be sent to the advisory council. After one day's discussion on the matter, it will go the president to be enacted as an ordinance.

The proposed changes of the six commissions can be carried out in this manner, taking all views into consideration. If there can be a month of intensive discussions, then it will be possible to carry out the reforms in the next one or two months.

Prothom Alo :

There are all sorts of questions over the trials for the killings that took place during the uprising. Then again, Sheikh Hasina and many leaders of Awami League have taken shelter in India or have their support. Will India hand Hasina over?

Zahed Ur Rahman

Investigations are going on about Sheikh Hasina and the other Awami League leaders, the trials have not begun. Bangladesh is approaching India about handing over Sheikh Hasina. Perhaps they won't hand her over. The government should ask for the return of the other Awami League leaders too. I feel if the government adopts a firm stance, India may hand over some of the other leaders.

I must say that there is a lot of weakness showing in the process of justice. People who could face corruption charges are being accused of murder. When this government came to power, it was urgently needed to restructure the Anti-Corruption Commission as soon as possible. This happened very late.

Prothom Alo:

Mazars (shrines) are smashed, women football tournaments are foiled and so on. The government talks about stern measures against such matters, but is nothing actually being done.

Zahed Ur Rahman

Perhaps the government wants to remain popular among the majority. But it is not the function of the government to maintain its popularity with the majority. Its function is to establish justice. I feel the government finds it risky to take measures against those responsible for these incidents. Had the government taken stern action from the very outset, these incidents would not have occurred.

After the fall of Sheikh Hasina, we see negative narratives being generated from India. They imply that Bangladesh is turning towards extremist Islamic trends. These incidents help in establishing these Indian narratives. And it is also necessary to find out who are behind such incidents.

It is to be seen how much importance the Trump government gives Bangladesh. Bangladesh may grow in importance to it because of China. It is true that the government may face certain crises if it does not get US support as before.
Prothom Alo:

When a graffiti mentioning the word 'indigenous' was dropped from textbooks, there was protest and a certain quarter even came under attack. So is identity politics becoming stronger than in the past in Bangladesh?

Zahed Ur Rahman

Politics can be divided into two broad categories. One is based on identity, the other on public welfare. Identity politics divides people and the society. And welfare politics endeavours to improve people's socioeconomic conditions. Unfortunately, identity politics is rising in Bangladesh. Many are trying to bring forward identity symbols. Such politics does not come to any benefit of the people.

Prothom Alo :

How do you see the tensions between Bangladesh and India?

Zahed Ur Rahman

The basic premise of geopolitics is that you can change your friends, but you can't change your neighbours. This is true both for us and for them. But India never seems to bother about this. They are making a mistake in the way they are dealing with things after Sheikh Hasina's fall.

There are two reasons why India cannot carry on its enmity or negative relations with us for long. One is economic. They export massive volumes of products to Bangladesh. Large numbers of our people go to India for medical treatment, tourism and shopping. With all this coming to a halt, there has been a drop of patients in their hospitals, their hotel, market and restaurant businesses have been hit hard.

The other reason is strategic. If India continues to deal with Bangladesh in this manner, Bangladesh will naturally look elsewhere for friends. Our foreign advisor, for example, asked China to prepare four or five hospitals for our people in Kunming. Bangladesh's communications with Pakistan have stepped up. India media is also making quite a noise over our ties with China and Pakistan. Yet when the US was getting involved in Bangladesh, Indian think-tanks would say that if they put too much pressure on Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh would turn towards China.

And India's excessive interference about the minority issue is mainly because of the West Bengal elections in 2026. BJP will continue on this tack until that election. That is why even Mamata Banerjee had to get involved in the ISKON and Chinmoy issue. She talked about sending UN forces to Bangladesh. Once that election is over, relations may stabilise.

They are also wanting elections to be held soon in Bangladesh. After Sheikh Hasina's fall, they are not comfortable with the Professor Yunus government. We may criticise the government on many issues, but Professor Yunus is doing extraordinary work in this point. He had taken Bangladesh to a certain position. He can look India straight in the eye and talk.

Prothom Alo:

Does Awami League see any light of hope with Donald Trump becoming the president of the US?

Zahed Ur Rahman

This is like a drowning man clutching onto straws. The Biden administration had huge support for the interim government. It is to be seen how much importance the Trump government gives Bangladesh. Bangladesh may grow in importance to it because of China. It is true that the government may face certain crises if it does not get US support as before.

As for Awami League, they still cannot accept the manner in which they suddenly fell from power. They took it for granted that they would remain in power till 2041. They want to remain relevant without coming up with any political programmes. But it is not likely they will be able to do anything.

Prothom Alo :

That you for your time.

Zahed Ur Rahman

Thank you too.

* This interview appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir