After the Three Brotherhood's Operation 1027, we hear that the Myanmar military Tatmadaw is losing its control in various states. Can you update us on the situation in Chin and other states?
Sui Khar: Operation 1027 began in October in the northern Shan state. Till now the resistance fighters have taken control of innumerable posts and camps. The situation in the northern Shan state is calm now. There is fierce resistance in Rakhine, Chin, Karen, Karenni, Magway and Sagaing. It seems that Tatmadaw is not prepared to fight or it does not have the capacity. They are fleeing from various regions, abandoning battalion headquarters, tactical command headquarters, regional command headquarters and such important military installations. From a military standpoint, Naypyidaw is in a shaky situation.
Before the military took over power through a coup, the Chin state was relatively peaceful. Now you are seen to be active against the military government. Why this change?
Sui Khar: We had signed the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) at one point of time, but after the coup the people felt that their freedom had been snatched away. They see only darkness ahead under the military government rule. The common people took to the streets. By its brutal crackdown on the peaceful movement, the junta forced people to take up arms. This change is not only in the Chin state. The brutal crackdown by the junta has brought about change in the people all over the country.
Unlike other states of Myanmar, there hadn't been any unified political or armed movement in the past in the Chin state because of its geographical and multi-ethnic composition. But we see that there now. How did this come about?
Sui Khar: We may have various regional dialects, but we are all Chin. We realised that we needed to unite to fight against Burmese domination. It was this understanding that led the Chin people to unite.
While the non-Burmese armed groups have had unprecedented success, the major cities remain in the central government's control. When do you expect to be able to overthrow the government?
Sui Khar: Last year I had said that the Burmese army would be defeated in three years. Many people had thought they were invincible. But now everyone is seeing they are not invincible. They are a decaying institution. Everyone is seeing how they have fallen flat on their face in northern Shan. The major cities are now totally in their control. They are facing resistance everywhere. Before the Bamar people did not take up arms against this army, but now that has happened too. The entire Burma is now a frontline of resistance. From the situation it looks like the Burmese army will be totally incapacitated within this year.
While the anti-junta non-Bamar guerillas have a common enemy, do they have any vision? For example, the Wa Army and the Three Brotherhood Alliance has no direct link with NUG.
Sui Khar: It would be good if it was possible to bring everyone under one umbrella, under one leadership. Because of past bitter experience, there is mistrust between the non-Bamar and Bamar. While the different ethnic groups of the non-Bamars have their different political visions, other than the Arakan Army, all the rest promote federalism. We have heard the Arakan Army talk of a confederation. Till now no non-Bamar armed group have spoken about independence.
You mentioned a lack of trust within the anti-junta movement. Can you elaborate on that?
Sui Khar: The non-Bamar in Burma have long been victims of Bamar chauvinism. The Bamar try to exert their dominance over the minorities. Seven decades have passed in this manner. The NLD has this propensity too. That is why a degree of mistrust and suspicion lingers on. The Bamars never thought of equality. We were not allowed to exercise self-determination. This engendered a sense of mistrust among us. It will take time to integrate. The non-Bamars will never hand over all self-rule to the Bamars.
Suu Kyi's party NLD seems to have dominance in the anti-military junta National Unity Government (NUG). Does that mean the problem of Bamar chauvinism lingers on?
Sui Khar: NLD does not have any change to enforce its dominance in NIG at the moment. In fact, there are no indications of any such inclination. We are trying to move towards a joint leadership.
Outside of the junta, among the forces all over Myanmar the Wa Army and Three Brotherhood Alliance are seen to be China-oriented while the K3C (Kachin, Karen, Karenni and Chin) are more prone to the West. Does that indicate an emerging geopolitical battlefield in Myanmar?
Sui Khar: I do not think so at all. This may apparently seem so due to the type of support and role because of Burma's geographical location and its internal situation. We all have our own ideologies. I would actually say that both the superpowers often misunderstand our ideological stand. But the two powers have a sort of competition over Burma.
Everyone is aware of China's influence in Myanmar. What does China actually want?
Sui Khar: Many believe that China wants to exploit us, that they are looking for their own interests rather than a stable Burma. I feel that a stable Burma will be good for China. They need to review their stance. China could do thriving business here when an elected government was at the helm. On the other hand, there are problems now.
You said that the Myanmar army is becoming almost incapacitated. What evidence is there on ground?
Sui Khar: They are losing control on their installations one after the other. Many parts of central Burma are under control of the People's Defence Forces. They are hardly making an effort to retrieve many of the installations that they have lost. They are taking on a much more defensive stance. Within 2024 the Burmese army will be absolutely crippled. Then they may leave the military strategy and come up with an alternative proposal.. They may call for talks.
If the military wants to revert to the constitution of 2008, would you be content with it?
Sui Khar: Absolutely not. We are not fighting to negotiate with the military junta regarding Burma's future. They are no longer relevant forces to discuss the country's future. We will develop it as a union.
Does it mean there will be no central army in Myanmar?
Sui Khar: No one thinks like that. Burma will definitely need an army and it should be a professional one. Besides, the civilian representatives must have supremacy over the military.
The anti-juntas turned optimistic after the Burma Act was passed in the United States. Do you think that the Burma Act is playing an effective role amid the ongoing conflicts?
Sui Khar: Those fighting against the junta in Burma hoped that the Burma Act would be implemented sooner or later. But it has not been implemented at the field level. The US may think that China will react to this. But when the junta is collapsing, the implementation of the Burma Act would have played a good role.
India still seems to trust Myanmar's military and junta government. How do you assess it?
Sui Khar: A former Indian general said the Burmese military is not posing any problems for them, rather the NLD is doing. His statement is not correct. They may still be relying on General Min Aung Hlaing. I do not think India can support Min Aung Hlaing to the end. They have to change their position eventually.
India is talking about erecting a wall along the border. What is your opinion on this?
Sui Khar: They can do that. But it should be considered that we have blood relations with the Mizos and a border wall cannot obstruct our movement. The wall may not be an option. India should think about an alternative.
You have said on different occasions that the Kuki people are spread across Myanmar, India, and Bangladesh. A term called ‘Greater Kukiland’ comes to the fore now and then. Do you believe in something like that?
Sui Khar: We have been in the present state for more than 100 years. Much of the past has changed now, and we are habituated to the condition we are going through now. So, there are hardly any chances of something like that.
A tripartite connectivity (India-Myanmar-Thailand) developed through your region, under an initiative of India. Is its future now under threat due to the war?
Sui Khar: We are neither against the development of the communication system in this region, nor the particular connectivity. But India's Burma policy needs to be reviewed. For them, it will not be enough to contact only Naypyidaw, rather they should talk to other forces if they really want progress in all their projects in Myanmar.
China is looking to build a cross-border communication system, including Myanmar. Conversely, India did not join it. Does their different stance cause any conflicts in Myanmar?
Sui Khar: I often cannot reach a conclusion as to whether the geopolitical importance of Burma in south and south-east Asia is a boon or bane for us. There is a power struggle of the international powers centering Myanmar. The challenge ahead of us is to determine what role we can play and what benefit we can reap from this situation.
You maintain that Paletwa is a part of Chin state but Arakanis are controlling it. Would CNF get engaged in a clash centering it with the Arakan Army?
Sui Khar: We are fighting against Burmese Army, which is our common enemy. Paletwa is part of Chin, not of Arakan state. The Arakan Army should understand that they are in the land of others. It would be an illegal occupation if the Arakan Army doesn’t move away from this city.
Don’t you support the struggle of the Arakan Army?
Sui Khar: We are supporting their struggle. But they must understand that it’s not just to occupy the land of others.
Does CNF consider Rohingyas as an ethnic group in Myanmar?
Sui Khar: Rohingya have been living in Arakan for hundreds of years, much before Burma got independent. They did not drive out someone to live there. We consider Rohingyas as an ethnic group of Arakan.
Did CNF or NUG ever contact Bangladesh regarding the struggle they are going through?
Sui Khar: We reached out once, especially after the anti-junta revolutionary struggle in 2021. We would definitely want the Bangladesh government to support us in our struggle.