We don't want to impose an unreasonable tax burden

The BNP government has completed 100 days. The first 100 days are significant for any government because during this period the public gets an idea about the government's policies and intended direction. How much were you able to achieve in the first 100 days?

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: We do not view the first 100 days merely as a timeframe; it was the initial political and administrative test to resurrect the state from the ruins. When we took charge, the economy was suffering from long-lasting wounds inflicted by the previous fascist regime. People were crushed under high inflation; the banking sector was marred by looting, irregularities, and political loan defaults; the capital market investments of ordinary investors were nearly wiped out due to manipulation and lack of trust; and the market system was hostage to syndicates. It is easy to tell development stories while hiding this reality, but we did not choose that path. We told the truth to the people and started the reconstruction work based on that truth.

Our biggest achievement in these 100 days is to make clear to the nation the direction in which the government wants to proceed. We prioritised programmes that have a direct impact on people's lives. In this period, more than 53,000 families received family cards, over 20,000 families received farmer cards, more than 20 million children were given measles-rubella vaccines, work began on excavating 666 canals, internet connection was provided to 65,569 government primary schools, 5.5 million families were supplied rice at Tk 15 per kilogram, and foreign exchange reserves have been on the path to improvement. These may not be the ultimate solutions to all problems, but they demonstrate the government's intent to reach people's homes, fields, markets, and workplaces.

We do not claim that everything has changed in 100 days. But during this period, we have proved one thing—the direction of the state has shifted. We have begun the journey from an economy of looting to an economy of production, from a syndicate-controlled market to a competitive market, from a broken banking system to a well-governed financial sector, and from a politics of fear and intimidation to a citizen-centric administration.

In the first cabinet meeting, the government had set three priorities: controlling commodity prices, improving law and order, and maintaining regular electricity and fuel supply. Are there visible progresses in implementing these three priorities?

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: Determining these three priorities in the government’s first meeting was not a formal announcement; it was a direct recognition of real challenges. During the former fascist government, the market syndicates had institutionalised to such an extent that ordinary people did not know whether product prices were determined in the market or in the meetings of invisible political-business circles. The liabilities, inefficiencies, and opaque contracts in the power and energy sector have weakened the economy. The confidence of the people in the law and order sector was also compromised. In these three sectors, alongside fire-fighting efforts, we have identified structural problems.

In terms of commodity prices, the government has strengthened market monitoring, continued TCB activities and food-friendly programmes, activated import and stock management to ensure the supply of necessary goods, and expanded subsidised support for people with lower income. Our aim is to bring calmness, not panic to the market. By identifying syndicates in the market, excessive profits, barriers in supply, and the weaknesses of the import system, we are taking continuous measures.

We acknowledge the challenges in law and order. However, the government’s stance is clear—the police belong to the state, not any party; justice is not in the hands of mobs but in courts, and citizen security is not a political favour but a constitutional right. Integrated steps have been directed for law enforcement against youth gangs, drugs, cybercrime, online gambling, organised crime, and mob–violence. New manpower recruitment, technology-based surveillance, and initiatives for swift judicial processes are part of this strategy.

In the power and energy sectors, too, the government is working under unusual global pressures. Despite the ongoing war and market instability in the Middle East, we have made efforts to keep the supply normal, seek alternative sources, save energy in government offices, prioritise fuel for agricultural irrigation, and adopt long-term renewable energy plans. We want to say, despite visible progress in all three areas, the work is not complete. However, we understand, for the people, progress is gauged by the cost in the market, security on the roads, electricity at home, and the opportunity for employment and business. We are prepared to be judged based on those criteria.

Law and order during the interim government and now remains a major concern. The murder and rape of a child in Pallabi have incensed and alarmed the citizens once again. Recent incidents of mob violence at mazars in Kushtia and Dhaka have also been observed. The relationship between visible improvement and stability in law and order and investment and employment is close. The government's attention seems lacking in this area. What is your comment?

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: Your question is extremely important, and I will not use any complacency language on behalf of the government on this issue. Heinous crimes against children in Pallabi, attacks on religious sites, mob violence, or any form of communal and social unrest—these are utterly unacceptable. These are not isolated instances of law and order; they challenge the moral authority of the state, citizen trust, and democratic discipline. However, we must also remember that the previous fascist regime, in many cases, made state institutions serve the interests of ruling groups instead of the people. The impacts of those wounds on the police, administration, local influences, and judicial processes do not go away overnight. We are working on bringing institutions back under the rule of law.

The government’s position is very clear—no one has the right to take the law into their own hands. In cases of attacks on religious establishments, violence against women and children, mob justice, political vengeance, extortion, usurpation, or any crime, the focus is on the crime, not the identity of the offender.

The relationship between law and order and the economy is very close. An investor first sees if their capital is safe, a worker checks if the workplace is safe, a farmer checks if they can take their products to the market, and a citizen checks if their family is safe. Therefore, law and order is not solely an issue for the Ministry of Home Affairs; it concerns investment, employment, revenue, social harmony, and the dignity of the state. The government is determined to restore discipline across all levels of the state.

Within just two weeks of taking office, you had to face an unprecedented situation like the Iran war. The effects of this war are multifaceted and long-term. How much has the development plan been challenged by the instability in the Middle East? What is the government's plan to protect our economy and citizens from the economic impact of the war?

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: We received an economy that was already devastated, and the war situation in the Middle East has created new pressure. The economic fragility left by the previous fascist regime, especially pressure on reserves, dependences on imported energy infrastructure, a devastated banking sector, high inflation, and revenue deficits have been impacted by the war. This is not just a matter of foreign policy or security; it concerns our budget, market, agriculture, energy, remittance, and the ordinary lives of people.

The first shock from Middle Eastern instability comes to the energy market. The prices of oil, LNG, fertilizers, transportation costs, shipping costs, import bills—all come under pressure. Various international forecasts have also stated that if the Middle East crisis prolongs, global growth may decrease, and the inflationary pressure might be higher. This impact is also felt in our economy. Therefore, growth, inflation, loans, and the current account balance may face challenges.

We have a three-tier plan. The first tier is immediate protection. Keeping the essential goods supply normal, crisis-time targeted subsidies, low-price food supply for low-income people, TCB and food-friendly programmes, expansion of family and farmer cards, market monitoring, and prioritising fuel for agriculture irrigation.

The second tier is the macroeconomic stability. We are coordinating monetary and fiscal policy, controlling unnecessary imports, encouraging the flow of exports and remittance, working with development partners on budget support, and maintaining caution in reserve management.

The third tier is long-term capacity building. We need to diversify our energy sources, focus on renewable energy, introduce solar irrigation, enhance agricultural productivity, rejuvenate local industries, diversify exports, and create new labour markets. Dependence on a single source, single market, single product, or single power is dangerous. Hence, we see this crisis as an opportunity for structural changes in the economy.

A large amount of money is needed to implement electoral promises such as family cards and farmer cards. From the next fiscal year, the salaries and allowances of government employees are also increasing. Meanwhile, revenue GDP collection has reached its lowest level. How will this large amount of money be managed? Citizens are concerned about whether they will face an increased tax burden.

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: Firstly, we want to say that we do not intend to impose unreasonable tax burdens on the people. The previous fascist government used development slogans in the name of the people on one hand, and on the other, they restricted the revenue system within a web of privileges for a few, abuse of tax exemptions, evasion, harassment, and inefficiency. As a result, honest taxpayers are pressured while influential groups benefit. Revenue cannot increase unless this unjust structure is changed.

Our goal is not to increase tax rates, but to expand the tax base and increase revenue, enhance tax fairness, stop harassment of honest taxpayers, prevent tax evasion, avoid making revenue administration a political tool, and make it professional and digital. Institutional reforms will be introduced in the policy and administrative activities of the National Board of Revenue so that tax policies are predictable, investment-friendly, and fair, and the tax collection process is transparent, technology-dependent, and harassment-free.

We do not see family cards and farmer cards merely as subsidies. They are investments to protect the purchasing power of low-income people, increase the production capacity of farmers, create demand in rural markets, and maintain social stability. When money reaches the hands of marginalised people, it does not get smuggled abroad; it revolves in the local market, agriculture, small businesses, and production.

For resource mobilization, we will focus on four paths: stopping revenue evasion and leakages, reducing non-priority and wasteful expenses, increasing non-tax revenue and state asset governance, and expanding the revenue base by increasing production-investment-employment. We want to assure the citizens that those who abide by the rules and pay taxes will not be penalised; those who have looted the state's money for years, evaded taxes, depleted banks, and laundered money will be brought to accountability.

The central bank has announced a 60, 000 crore taka stimulus fund to invigorate the private sector and create employment. This is undoubtedly a necessary and timely decision. But what measures are being taken to ensure that the funds from this stimulus do not get misused?

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: Your concern is justified. In the past, we have seen that the subsidies announced in the name of the public often did not reach the actual entrepreneurs or workers; they went to influential loan defaulters, politically connected businesspersons, or paper companies. To break this cycle, rigorous accountability will be maintained in the new stimulus fund.

The main goal of the 60, 000 crore taka stimulus package is to revive closed and distressed industries, CMSMEs, agriculture, export diversification, and rural economic activities. The declaration of Bangladesh Bank also mentions focusing the fund towards closed industrial and service sectors, small-medium initiatives, agriculture, export diversity, and rural economy. This is a fund for production and employment, not for political patronage.

There will be several safeguard measures in using the fund. Firstly, loans will be disbursed through banking channel verification. Secondly, real production capacity, the number of workers, tax and banking behavior, existing liabilities, and real plans for revival will be verified. Thirdly, end-use monitoring will be conducted to see where the loan money is being used.

Fourthly, there will be no opportunity to favor any cycle of intentional loan defaulters, money launderers, paper companies, or politically influential groups. Fifthly, Bangladesh Bank, scheduled banks, audit systems, and if necessary, digital tracking systems will monitor it. Banks will be accountable for loan disbursement; in cases of irregularity, not only the customer but also the concerned bank officials will have to be accountable.

We want closed factories to reopen, workers to return to work, production to increase, and exports to grow, but we will not permit banks’ money to be turned into looted goods again. Incentives will be for production, employment, and real entrepreneurs. We will not let incentives be the second chapter of bank robbery.

Before the election, the BNP said they would not undertake any mega projects if they go to power. Instead, they would spend the money on education, health, and human rights development. But recently, we see the approval of large projects like the Padma Barrage. Is such a project being undertaken for political reasons?

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: We are repeating what we have always said: mega projects with public money will not be undertaken for exhibition, on loans, without priority, or as political propaganda. In the past, development was turned into advertisements for power, but the costs of projects inflated astronomically, timelines extended, accountability decreased, and the burden of debt was imposed on the public. We have rejected that model. However, this does not mean that it is not possible to undertake strategic projects that are essential for the country’s agriculture, water, climate security, food security, and regional economy. We do not view the Padma Barrage as a political project; it is a project for addressing climate change impacts, protecting agriculture, restoring river and water management, reducing salinity, expanding irrigation facilities, reducing pressure on underground water, and strengthening the economy of the southwest region.

The geopolitical tensions among global and regional superpowers are more intense now than ever. How much does the BNP's foreign policy reflect the geopolitical realities?

Rashed Al Mahmud Titumir: The core of our foreign policy is very clear—Bangladesh first. This policy is not a slogan; it is the principle of national security, economic interests, energy security, labor market, export market, and sovereign decision-making. We don’t want to be anyone’s enemy, but we are not willing to mortgage Bangladesh's interests to anyone.

A major problem of the previous fascist regime was turning dependence into a policy instead of balance. Sometimes in the name of development, sometimes in the name of security, and sometimes in the name of diplomatic convenience, the country’s economic and strategic positions were constricted. We want to move away from that path. In today's world, reliance on a single country, single market, single lender, or single energy source is highly risky.

Our policy will be friendship with all, dependence on none. With the United States, we will have trade and investment; with China, infrastructure and industrial cooperation; with India, neighborly realities and mutual interests; with Japan-Korea-EU, technology and quality investment; with the Middle East, energy and labor market; with ASEAN and Africa, new markets—everything will be based on the interests of Bangladesh.

This foreign policy will stand on economic diplomacy. Where our expatriate workers will find safe jobs, where our export products will find markets, where energy will come cost-effectively, where technology and investment will come from, and what conditions will be in development cooperation—all these will be at the center of foreign policy.

In geopolitics, emotions, propaganda, or unilateral positions do not drive a nation. A state is driven by reality, dignity, strategy, and national interests. Hence, the foreign policy of the BNP government will be dignified, balanced, economically wise, and conscious of national security. Our only path is— the people of Bangladesh, the economy of Bangladesh, and the sovereign interests of Bangladesh first.