No chance to take sole credit for mass uprising: Umama Fatema

The Mass Uprising of 2024 begun in a form of student movement in last year’s July. After a year, what is your reflection on the movement?

We had been demonstrating every day in since the beginning of last year’s July demanding reform in quota system in the government jobs. Those of us centrally leading the movement gave out all efforts in the movement keeping aside all other activities. Alongside physical exertion, the movement took a toll on our mental wellbeing too.

I often remember the last year’s 14 July. We marched toward Bangabhaban in the afternoon that day. In the evening, Sheikh Hasina branded us as ‘descendants of Rajakars’. We could not bear with such derogatory remarks. We were physically exhausted due to a hectic day spent in movement. Yet, we brought out a procession from the hall to protest Hasina’s remarks at around 10:00pm.

Chhatra League and outsider thugs attacked us on Dhaka University campus on 15 July, leaving many students including female ones injured. Abu Sayeed in Rangpur and several others in different areas across the country were killed in police firing on 16 July. That changed the course of the movement. On July 15, Chhatra League activists and hired goons attacked protesters at Dhaka University. Many, including female students, were injured. Then on July 16, police opened fire in various places killing Abu Sayeed in Rangpur and several others across the country. After that, the movement took a different turn. Looking back at July of last year, I remember how incredibly courageous and determined we were at that time. There was an unprecedented unity among general students—regardless of political affiliation, everyone stood shoulder to shoulder. When I think of those days, that sense of unity in July is what I remember the most—a unity that no longer exists the same way.

The movement started with students demanding reform of the quota system in government jobs. Later it spread among people from all walks of life. How did this connection between students and the masses form?

As long as public universities were open, it remained a movement of public university students. Once those institutions were closed, it spread to private universities. When students of private universities were protesting in areas like Rampura and Badda, local people—shopkeepers and street vendors—also joined them. Similar incidents took place in Jatrabari, Mirpur, and Mohammadpur. Many garment workers from Gazipur took part as well. Eventually, activists from various political parties also joined the movement. That’s how it spread across all segments of society.

I don’t want to single out students when talking about the 2024 uprising—I call it a full-fledged mass uprising. After years of authoritarian rule, the people of Bangladesh had had enough. One sham election after another, people were denied their voting rights, and corruption and looting continued unbridled. The conditions for an uprising had already been brewing. The student movement sparked it, and the people spontaneously joined.

You were the Member Secretary of the Dhaka University unit of Bangladesh Chhatra Federation. After the events of 5 August, you resigned and became the spokesperson for the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Recently, you’ve announced your complete disassociation from that platform as well. Can you explain the context and reasons behind these decisions?

I left the Chhatra Federation shortly after the mass uprising. I felt it was time to rebuild the country, and I didn’t want to be tied to any one organisation—I wanted to work for the nation as a whole.

Just a few days after the uprising, there was a flood. We raised funds and sent aid to the affected areas. During that time, we received overwhelming support from people. Through such efforts, I wanted to stay closely connected to ordinary citizens. I believed the country was undergoing a transformation after the uprising, and I needed to be part of it. I was ready to give my all for the nation.

At such a time, I was contacted by the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. They asked me to take on a leadership role and assured me that I would be able to work independently. I joined them because I felt a sense of responsibility and eagerness to work for the country on a larger platform. I had hoped that I would be able to raise many urgent questions and represent women better through this platform. But after joining, I realised that the platform was very disorganised and functioned in a chaotic manner. Although a central committee had been formed, the organisation was essentially run by two or three leaders, and others had no room to speak.

Many bright boys and girls joined the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement during the movement and uprising. But, their space for participation began to shrink after 5 August. Meanwhile, opportunists started to gather, and one committee after another was being formed based on the whims of several leaders. Seeing this, I was somewhat disheartened. I tried to raise questions about various issues, but the environment at the time did not allow for it. Even though the leaders spoke in revolutionary rhetoric, there was actually a power struggle going on within the organisation. It felt like one must maintain liaison with any power factions to survive there.

Since Anti-Discrimination Student Movement was a platform of the by protesting students, it was difficult for me to decide to resign from it. That is why I took some time. I spoke with friends and well-wishers. I did not want any division within the organisation or a breakdown in mutual respect. For that reason, it took me some time to formally cut ties with the platform.

Then would you say it was a kind of disillusionment or broken dream for you?

The kind of change I wanted was not possible through Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Rather, many used that platform to make their fortunes. When speaking of that platform, I must admit that it was a broken dream. However, I am hopeful about the uprising masses. I believe that these people up will bring positive change to this country in the future.

A group of student leaders who led the mass uprising has formed the new party National Citizen Party (NCP). While many student leaders have joined this party, you did not follow the suit. Recently, the NCP announced they would unveil the ‘July Declaration.’ You then said such a declaration by a single party would not be acceptable. Can you explain your position?

I believe the NCP or any single political party has no authority to unilaterally issue a ‘July Declaration.’ It is true that some NCP leaders played important roles during the uprising, but that does not make them the sole stakeholders of the movement. The NCP did not even exist before February—so why would the July uprising be conflated with the NCP alone?

If a party tries to claim the July uprising as its own, that would be like the Awami League trying to monopolise the Liberation War. The Liberation War involved mass participation of ordinary people, and the same was true for the July uprising. There is no chance for any single party to take credit of mass uprising unilaterally.

A political party may certainly shape its politics based on the aspirations of the July uprising—but why should they alone issue a July Declaration? Under current circumstances, only the interim government has the legitimate authority to do that. In that case, political parties can pressure or negotiate with the government to ensure the declaration is issued promptly.

The US State Department announced the ‘Madeleine Albright Honorary Group Award’ for women who took part in the 2024 July–August movement. You personally rejected the award. Why?

Israel has long been carrying out aggression in Palestine, and recently, they have being conducted a genocide in Gaza under the pretext of suppressing Hamas. I rejected the award because of this. Besides, an Israeli woman was also among the recipients of that award. This shows that such awards carry political motives, and the US is clearly favouring certain sides. I personally chose to reject the award to express solidarity and support for Palestine.

Women's active participation in movements and uprisings—and then their disappearance or absence from the public scene—has been widely discussed. Why do you think it wasn’t possible to keep them engaged even after such an unprecedented mass uprising?

After the uprising, some women withdrew on their own. Others, who wanted to stay active, faced neglect and disregard. Many were harassed on the streets and social media, which raised concerns about their safety. We didn’t see much support or empathy from the government in this regard. Even after the uprising, a safe environment for women was not ensured.

ou’ve occasionally expressed disappointment over the progress in bringing justice for the killings, violence, and crimes against humanity that occurred during the uprising. Why do you feel this way?

I wouldn't say I’m exactly disappointed, but I do look at these issues critically. Many Awami League leaders and ministers who were allegedly involved in the July–August killings have fled the country. At the local level—districts and sub-districts—many perpetrators still haven’t been arrested. Some security personnel who were involved are still in service. The government has yet to provide any clear statement about when or how action will be taken against them.

Now that discussions about elections have started, there’s a risk that the issue of justice will be sidelined. That’s why I believe significant progress should be made during the tenure of the interim government. There must be no compromise when it comes to justice. That’s why I’ve tried to raise these questions time and again.

In a recent speech, you said that even after the July uprising, the state has fallen far short of the dream July had inspired. You also said that unless new politics is created, the ‘July spirit’ won’t survive. What led to these realisations?

The government’s responsibility was to unite and consolidate the forces behind the July uprising and rebuild the country. That’s a highly creative and complex process. But the interim government has operated in a very conventional way. It relied on bureaucrats—secretaries, PSs, APSs—instead of the people. It worked in favour of certain political parties. As a result, its actions have become questionable, and old bureaucratic and political practices have only become stronger. The hope for a people-centric state and politics that emerged after the uprising has not been fulfilled.

A while ago, you wrote on Facebook about the toxic state of student politics. What prompted that?

During the previous regime, there was a student organisation that was persecuted. After 5 August, they continued operating covertly, hiding their identity. Ironically, these same people are now calling for a ban on student politics under the banner of ‘general students.’ This has put pressure on other student organisations. Their strategy seems aimed at gaining sole control over university campuses. Meanwhile, the real demands of ordinary students are being sidelined. That’s the context in which I referred to the current state of student politics as toxic.

What is the current situation at your university, Dhaka University? Do you have any plans to contest in the DUCSU election?

The DU administration has taken some steps toward holding DUCSU elections, and we’ve emphasised how important those elections are. It would give students legitimate representation. However, necessary reforms from the administration’s side haven’t been completed yet. It’s still unclear whether those reforms can be done in the next few months.

I want to see a DUCSU that can deal with both academic and extra-curricular issues faced by students. Whether I run or not, I will remain actively involved if the election happens. Through the DUCSU election, I’ll call on students to uphold the spirit of the uprising—the ‘July spirit.’

Thank you for your time.

Thank you as well.