The questions that have arisen over deaths in custody and in prisons

Deaths in the custody of law enforcement agencies or in prisons in Bangladesh are not new. However, some deaths within a short period have triggered wide discussions and questions. This is because a significant portion of the victims in these incidents have a political identity; they were associated with the of the Awami League (whose activities are now currently banned).

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The Detective Branch (DB) detained Mirza Ishtiaq Ahmed, also known as Pranto (27), an activist of the Chhatra League (whose activities now banned) from Madhukhali Upazila, Faridpur at 5:00pm on 20 June. It is alleged by his relatives that Ishtiaq was beaten in front of his mother. His mother, Khadija Akter, claimed that a conversation took place between their relative and the DB police, indicating that Ishtiaq would be released upon payment of Tk 65,000. Later, the DB stated that since Ishtiaq is associated with the Chhatra League, he would not be released that day. The next morning, they were asked to bring Tk 100,000 to Faridpur. Ishtiaq died the next day at 8 AM in Faridpur Medical College Hospital. His family alleges that he died after being beaten and becoming ill by DB members.

Regarding the allegations of torture, Faridpur DB Officer in Charge (OC) Md Alamgir Hossain told Prothom Alo that the DB police treated Ishtiaq very gently and kindly, offering him snacks. (ডিবি হেফাজতে ছাত্রলীগ কর্মীর মৃত্যু, পরিবার বলছে ‘নির্যাতনে’, পুলিশের দাবি ‘অসুস্থ হয়ে’, Prothom Alo online, 21 June 2026)

Despite the police claiming to be ''gentle'' and ''kind'', a video footage circulating on Facebook shows a person slapping Ishtiaq while using foul language. In the same footage, another person is heard saying over the phone, "Get a stick and come to Marich Bazar, quickly. " (ডিবির হেফাজতে’ ছাত্রলীগ কর্মীর মৃত্যুর আগে আটকের সময় কী ঘটেছিল, এমন ভিডিও ফেসবুকে, Prothom Alo online 26 June 2026)

The police officers who slapped Ishtiaq in public during the arrest, and mentioned bringing sticks, may not find it unusual to torture him at the police station. According to the Torture and Custodial Death Prevention Act, 2013, this is a criminal offence.

However, despite the existence of such a law, there are very few examples of proper legal action being taken in such incidents. Also, because the police investigate these incidents themselves, questions repeatedly arise about their credibility. As a result, except for a few exceptions, incidents of torture, even death in custody of law enforcement agencies, have received a sort of ‘impunity’ for years. Will the same happen in this case too?

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An inmate died in Chittagong Central Jail on 24 June. His name was Nurul Alam. He was the joint convener of the Satkania Upazila branch of the Jubo League (whose activities now banned). Jail authorities stated that he became ill that morning in Chittagong Central Jail. Later, when taken to Chittagong Medical College Hospital, physicians declared him dead. Nurul Alam was arrested by the police on 23 June in a case linked to the Explosives Act in Satkania police station in 2024.

Nurul Alam’s brother, Noor Mohammad, told Prothom Alo that they had disputes over land with some local BNP-Jamaat leaders. Nurul was detained by the detective police while attending a hearing on the land dispute in the land office. Noor Mohammad said, "There was no case against my brother; he was framed in a land dispute. "  (চট্টগ্রাম কারাগারে যুবলীগ নেতার মৃত্যু, গ্রেপ্তার হন এক দিন আগে, Prothom Alo online 24 June 2026. 

In this incident, allegations have been made against the police for ‘exceeding jurisdiction’ and using ‘arbitrary power. ’ The responsibility of resolving land disputes lies with the land office or the court; there is no scope for police interference. Notably, the police claimed to have arrested Nurul Alam in a case filed under the Explosives Act in Satkania police station in 2024, although his name was not in the case document. (গ্রেপ্তারের পরদিন কারাগারে যুবলীগ নেতার মৃত্যু, Samakal 25 June 2026. 

The question then arises, if a case was filed in 2024, why was he shown arrested in 2026 after nearly two years? His family alleges that a land-grabbing group had him murdered in a planned manner by using the DB. (চট্টগ্রামে যুবলীগ নেতা নুরুলের মৃত্যুর ‘রহস্য’ কাটেনি, মামলা হয়নি, Jugantor 26 June 2026.

The arrest and death of Nurul Alam have brought several controversial issues to the forefront. One issue is that the police have ‘unrestricted’ power to show an arrest even if a person's name is not in the official complaint. Allegations of the willful use of this power frequently arise against the police.

Another issue is the death of inmates in custody or prisons. The dire state of prisons in Bangladesh is evident from the number of deaths of prisoners. According to Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), up to May this year, 52 people have died in custody across the country. This means that more than ten prisoners are dying every month. How normal are these deaths in prison?

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Rashed Khan Menon (42), a leader of Awami League (whose activities now banned) died while attempting to escape during a police raid on Khan Bari, West Kaunia, Barisal, on 21 January. His eldest son, Imtiaz Khan, told Prothom Alo that 9 to 10 police officers from Kaunia police station came to their house to arrest his father. His father attempted to escape by climbing over the back wall upon sensing the police presence. He became unwell after falling onto a drain's slab on the other side. Relatives found him bleeding from a head injury.

Imtiaz stated, “My father was heart patient and had a stent inserted some months ago. He was at home after 5 August. As far as I know, there was no case against him. ” An anonymous relative of Rashed Khan said that fearing increased police harassment if they pursued legal action, the family did not opt for a post-mortem.

One may question why a person would attempt to flee upon hearing of a police visit if there is no case against him, or if he hasn’t committed any crime. Though this question may seem simple, the reality in Bangladesh is far from straightforward. Even without a case, the police can detain anyone and arrest them in a case at their convenience; thus, fleeing to avoid arrest is not abnormal.

The incident of the Awami League leader's death while fleeing in Barisal indicates public apprehension of police harassment and the fear surrounding police presence. However, the deceased's family did not file a direct complaint against the police. Still, can the police avoid the indirect responsibility for this incident?

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Deaths in the custody of law enforcement agencies and in prisons are a consistent phenomenon in Bangladesh. A recent report by human rights organisation Odhikar documented 486 custodial deaths from 22 June, 2001, to 22 June 2026. Notably, such deaths have occurred under all governments since 2001.

According to the report, during the tenure of the BNP-led four-party coalition government from 1 October 2001 to 28 October 2006, 184 custodial deaths occurred. Then under a short-term caretaker government from 29 October 2006, to 10 January 2007, there were six recorded deaths. During the army-backed caretaker government from 11 January 2007 to 5 January 2009, 42 custodial deaths took place.

The highest number of custodial deaths happened during the Awami League government from 6 January 2009, to June 2024, with 213 deaths during this 15-and-a-half-year period. Under the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus from 9 August 2024 to 17 February 2026, 29 custodial deaths were recorded. Under the current BNP government, from 18 February to June this year, there have been two custodial deaths.

In addition to deaths in the custody of law enforcement, deaths in prison are also a regular occurrence in Bangladesh. According to the Department of Prisons, in 2023, there were 290 deaths, in 2024 there were 261, and in 2025 there were 270 prisoner deaths.

Noteworthy is that following a mass uprising on 5 August 2024, Sheikh Hasina’s long autocratic rule ended. Many expected this would improve the human rights situation and significantly reduce extrajudicial killings and deaths in custody and prisons; however, the opposite happened.

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Deaths in the custody of law enforcement and prisons are alarming, and various reports and data on them have led to several uncomfortable questions. Some examples of such news are: "Four AL leader died in Bogura jail custody in last one month" (Daily Star Bangla, 9 December 2024); "Eighteen Awami League leaders died in prison from 1 January to 31 December 2025. In just 38 days from 1 January to 7 February this year, six Awami League leaders died in custody" (RTV Online, 7 February 2026);

Within the first three months of 2026, 39 people died in custody. Among them were 12 leaders and activists from the Awami League and its affiliated organisations, and the remaining 27 were ordinary inmates.

These reports and data clearly indicate that a significant portion of the victims in the incidents over the past two years were associated with the Awami League (whose activities now banned). Hence, it naturally raises the question: is there any relation between these incidents and politics or political identity? Does being a leader or activist of an organisation (whose activities now banned) legitimise oppression or torture against them? Are we sufficiently aware of the human rights of the accused or criminals and their right to justice?

*Monzurul Islam is a senior sub-editor at Prothom Alo.

*The opinions expressed here are the author's own.

#This article, originally published in Prothom Alo print and online editions, has been rewritten in English by Rabiul Islam.