Today marks 48 years since the founding of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Having weathered the many ups and downs of politics, BNP is now approaching the half-century mark. During this period, the party has faced deep crises at least three times. It has also experienced internal splits on several occasions. Many have questioned whether the BNP would survive as a political party at all. Yet, defying all those apprehensions, BNP is now in power for the fourth time.
Over these long years, many of the close associates of the party’s founder, Ziaur Rahman, have left the party, while many new faces have joined. Following Ziaur Rahman’s death, Khaleda Zia took charge of the BNP. Under her leadership, the BNP came to power twice. Now, under the leadership of Tarique Rahman, the party’s third generation of leadership is currently in power.
How has BNP managed to remain a strong political force despite facing various forms of hostility, conspiracies, and difficult times? BNP is not particularly adept at crafting a political narrative like Awami League or Jamaat-e-Islami. It has also lagged behind in building a strong organisational foundation. The party’s presence in the cultural and intellectual spheres is relatively weak.
Even so, why do people continue to place their trust in the BNP? The main reason is the BNP’s people-centered politics. From the very beginning, it has avoided extremist politics and followed a liberal democratic, left-of-centre or social-democratic political tradition. Traces of left-of-centre politics can be found in the party’s constitution, Ziaur Rahman’s 19-point programme, Khaleda Zia’s Vision 2030, and Tarique Rahman’s 31-point agenda.
Among the BNP’s early programmes, established under Ziaur Rahman, was an effort to engage the people through liberal politics. The emergence of a new, urban-based middle class from the predominantly rural, agrarian economy was driven in part by Ziaur Rahman’s social-democratic approach, which encouraged the development of liberal but state-regulated capitalism.
This new urban middle class also ushered in changes in the country’s cultural landscape. Ziaur Rahman was the first to introduce government grants for film production in the country. A range of cultural activities also began to flourish.
This politics was necessary as an alternative to Awami League’s nationalist extremism and, in the post-Muslim League era, the religious hardline politics of Jamaat-e-Islami. With the aim of bringing everyone in the country under a common identity, Ziaur Rahman introduced the liberal concept of Bangladeshi nationalism into politics.
The irony, however, is that despite pursuing an intensely hardline form of Bengali nationalism, Awami League managed to establish itself as a liberal and progressive political party in the country. In the end, though, it could not survive. After establishing fascist rule, it was forced to flee the country. Fascism is the inevitable outcome of nationalist politics. That is what happened in the case of Awami League.
Awami League’s downfall came through its reliance on Bengali nationalism. The BNP, by contrast, has survived repeatedly through various crises, in part because of its commitment to liberal politics. Although BNP does not have a strong cultural narrative, nor does it need one. This is because pluralistic and inclusive politics is not founded on any single, powerful nationalist cultural conception. Such nationalism does not allow for the exclusive dominance of any one nation, group, language, or religion. As a result, it does not have a single cultural identity or narrative.
The BNP government took office after 17 years of Awami League fascist rule and a period of stagnation under the interim government. Clearing away all this accumulated debris and restoring the country to the right course is by no means an easy task. But history suggests that BNP can do it
The politics of the BNP bears the imprint of the liberal democratic tradition that emerged in Western European countries after World War II in the last century. From a constitutional standpoint, the BNP had absorbed this concept of liberal politics quite well. However, after the mass movement of the 1990s, its power-oriented closeness with religion-based political parties distanced the BNP from that position.
The encouraging news is that, under the current leadership, BNP is once again returning to its own political roots. BNP needs to begin the second phase of its cultural revolution. It must take a firm stand against efforts to shut down events such as boat races and concerts in the name of the Tawhidi Janata.
BNP has always placed its faith in the people of the country. Although it has been out of power four times, the BNP has a long history of political struggle and resistance
Because of its liberal and constructive development philosophy, the BNP has naturally been able to connect with ordinary people. While other parties have sought to build political narratives by capitalising on ethnic and cultural superiority and religious majoritarianism, the BNP has sought to draw closer to the people through economic, social, and pluralistic cultural programmes. In keeping with this tradition, the BNP has consistently stood by the people during times of crisis in the country. The BNP has never taken a position against ordinary citizens during the country’s most severe crises.
In 1971, Ziaur Rahman’s radio address stirred people across the country. During the movement against the authoritarian rule of Ershad, BNP, under Khaleda Zia’s leadership, remained on the streets and led the movement. Most recently, in the effort to oust Sheikh Hasina’s fascist regime, BNP, under the leadership of Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman, stood firmly on the side of the people. Over this long period, BNP has had to make many sacrifices. It has faced repression and persecution. Numerous party leaders and activists have been subjected to enforced disappearance and extrajudicial killings.
BNP has always placed its faith in the people of the country. Although it has been out of power four times, the BNP has a long history of political struggle and resistance. Whenever it has come to power, it has faced conspiracies as a pro-Bangladesh political party. Yet, by confronting those conspiracies, BNP has repeatedly returned to the political arena in a stronger form.
BNP is now in power, and six months of its term have already passed. It cannot be said that the BNP has been entirely successful during this period. There have been various shortcomings and lapses. It has not been able to bring the law-and-order situation fully under control. Electricity and fuel supplies have not been uninterrupted. Some ministers’ excessive or ill-advised remarks could become a source of public discontent. Local government elections are approaching. The BNP will need to consider these issues carefully.
However, we must also remember that the BNP government took office after 17 years of Awami League fascist rule and a period of stagnation under the interim government. Clearing away all this accumulated debris and restoring the country to the right course is by no means an easy task. But history suggests that BNP can do it.
* Dr. Maruf Mallik, political analyst and adjunct faculty member, North South University
* The views expressed here are solely those of the author.
* This piece appeared in Prothom Alo print and online and has been translated into English by Ayesha Kabir for Prothom Alo English Online