July means courage, July means the sky of dreams opening up. July is liberation from the clutches of a suffocating oppressor. During those days, we had nothing but courage. This courage was given to us by our students! This courage was given by the general people, who sacrificed their lives in droves without hesitation. The weight of the martyrs' bodies gave us such courage that we went out against a powerful dictatorship, demanding justice!
The July uprising represents a significant turning point in our history, one that requires political analysis. The uprising of July differs from previous people's uprisings, like the mass movement of the 1990s, in several ways.
Firstly, the number of murders in July was much higher, with a comparatively larger number of children, minors, and young people among the victims.
Secondly, another significant difference is that while students led the 1990 movement, political parties had united and publicly expressed solidarity. In contrast, in July, the state had become so oppressive that the political parties could not publicly support the anti-discrimination movement and had to resort to strategies.
Thirdly, the July movement began with an ostensibly non-political (non-partisan) demand, unlike the movement of the 1990s. In the language of research, initially, this movement was framed as an interest group movement of government job aspirants. From 5 June to 1 July, the movement was limited to certain groups. On 1 July, the organisers attempted to connect the movement to national interests by naming it the "Anti-Discrimination Movement, " although at that time its impact was not clearly visible.
However, there are similarities between the spread of the movement in response to state oppression in July and the uprising of the 1990s. Just as the 1990 uprising gained momentum following the murders of student leader Zahed or Dr. Milon, the murders of Abu Sayed, Wasim, and Mugdho propelled the July protest towards an uprising.
Furthermore, certain aspects of the July uprising are reminiscent of the Fulbari movement. Notably, the initial attempt to label and portray the movement as 'selfish' was similar. In Fulbari, the opponents attempted to portray the local people's movement as one driven by narrow self-interest against national development. Efforts were made to delegitimise the movement as an interest group.
Similarly, in July, government representatives portrayed the movement as opposing the liberation war for narrow self-interests of job seekers. They claimed those wanting government jobs were doing so for opportunities to engage in corruption. This framing tendency was seen from the start of the quota reform movement in 2018.
Moreover, there are similarities in the way the movements were organised. To counter the initial delegitimisation processes against the Fulbari movement, protesters connected the movement with larger national interests beyond just being an interest group. The organisers of the July uprising accomplished this more swiftly and successfully, linking the movement with national interests under the 'anti-discrimination' label, associating it with the collective interest in fighting discrimination.
The negative framing experience during the 2018 quota movement and the benefits of connecting movements to national interests were not unknown to our organisers. Thus, the naming as 'anti-discrimination' was a conscious decision. History constantly converses with the present—this is a prime example. Politics progresses incrementally by following the path shown by history. The diverse ways past movements inform future paths can also be sensed if the July uprising is read in the continuity of previous movements.
A distinctive feature of authoritarian governments is their self-perceived strength, as they possess immense repression and suppression capabilities. Such governments' self-reliance and arrogance are their ultimate weakness. They grow so distant from the people that they consider producing legitimacy for killing citizens their real power, making them even more vulnerable. The shock from the murders of three young men at Fulbari was something the government could not manage. Compared to past movements, July saw so many casualties that its impact is bound to be significantly larger.
When people realise that not protesting could lead to further harm, fear evaporates, leading to greater participation in movements—this is termed as 'backlash' protest. In July, too, the government's repressive strategies to suppress the movement failed. Despite applying all suppression tactics, they were unable to stop people from taking to the streets.
When people stand firm against a dictatorial regime’s bullets, they cannot be sent back home. From back then, state officials were heard saying, “We kill one and only one dies, the rest don't.” When the state's repressive machinery loses all legitimacy, citizens no longer fear. The orchestrators of that repression can no longer survive either—they must flee.
Even after two years, I want to clearly state that I was on the streets in July, alongside the students during the movement, and at the moment of the uprising I sang ‘Muktir Mandir Sopan Tale’ looking into the eyes of the police. What I did then, I will do a thousand times over if July comes again because we stood against injustice, against oppression, against murder.
July wasn't for personal or anyone else's interests; it was for the country. I have no regret for being part of July, nor will I ever. July was to stop the murders of children and to end unjust oppression against the people. We were a part of that; we were not tricked, nor were we traitors. Perhaps they were deceived—those hoping for gains by being part of July.
After July, some have commercialised the movement, destabilised the country, or seized opportunities during the uprising—this is not July’s burden to bear. All responsibility of July lies with the dictatorial system of Awami League and Hasina, which killed nearly a thousand citizens. The responsibility after that lies with those who engaged in various crimes subsequently and those who harboured them. This is not July's responsibility.
July’s duty will end the day when justice is served to the martyrs and wounded, and their trauma is healed. Only when the reforms envisioned by the martyr students and people, depicted in July’s graffiti, are implemented can it be said that July has ended; otherwise, July remains ongoing.
July will continue against all oppression and forgetfulness. In the collective memory, all wrongs are inscribed, not forgotten. Just as the wrongs before July are recorded, subsequent ones will be as well. July continues until justice is established.
#Samina Luthfa is a Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Dhaka.
*The opinions expressed here are the author's own.
#This article, originally published in Prothom Alo print and online editions, has been rewritten in English by Rabiul Islam.