Is keeping BNP out of the election the actual objective?

Things have started happening just as many had feared. Many members of the civil society have expressed their apprehension that the programmes taken up to counter BNP’s programmes will generate heat in the political arena and lead to unfortunate incidents of violence, injuries and death. They have made a call to avoid programmes that can spark off violence. But leaders of the ruling party feel that if they do not come up with counter programmes, the people will imagine that they are powerless.

That is why the call for dialogue to reach an acceptable solution to the political crisis is being ignored and rallies are being faced with counter rallies, processions with counter processions. There is scope to hold the counter programmes at different times and on different days and in different manners, but that is not happening. On the contrary, moves are being taken up to obstruct the opposition’s programmes, sometimes by physical assault, sometimes by pulling the strings to bring transport to a halt. Then, of course, there are the corrosive speeches to incite agitation.

The most dangerous propensity that we note is the ruling party activists and the police together pouncing on the opposition. Would it be very unjustified if anyone thought that they had coordinated a drive against the opposition? The death of a BNP leader in Lakshmipur, the injuries of political workers and members of general public in Bogura, Jaipurhat, Kishoreganj, Feni, Khagrachhari and Pirojpur, were all results of these counter programmes. These incidents could easily, and without any doubt, have been avoided.

Even before the EU delegation could leave, violence broke out in an alarming degree. The aggressive attitude of the ruling party activists was more than visible

One of the noticeable features of BNP’s programmes over the last couple of years is that they have being avoiding violence and holding peaceful programmes. They are consciously making an effort to avoid reacting to any instigation or to step into any trap. They have internal feuds, have bloody fights among themselves, even resulting in death. But in their anti-government programmes, they have done nothing to be dubbed as violence.

It hasn’t been even a week that they reassured the US and the European Union (EU) representatives that free and fair elections, freedom of expression and the right to assemble and hold meetings would be ensured. If fact, even before the EU delegation could leave, violence broke out in an alarming degree. The aggressive attitude of the ruling party activists was more than visible. The police and law enforcement agencies had also taken a hard line and exerted excessive force. This will undoubtedly instigate and agitate the anti-government elements further. The question being asked is, is such instigation being deliberately used to throw the opposition into a trap?

From the outcome of a few recent incidents, that is what it looks like. When leaders and activists were headed towards the BNP youth rally in Noakhali, they came under attack. Yet the police filed cases against the victims of the attack. What explanation could there be for this?

Similar incidents took place previously in other districts too. There too there are complaints that the opposition was attacked and cases were filed against them.

What is startling about these cases is that the accused are not in dozens, but in hundreds. The list of accused includes those who had contested in past election, those who had the possibility of contesting, and unidentified persons. Candidates or possible candidates are enmeshed in cases to keep them busy in court. And unidentified persons are kept on the list so anyone at anytime can be arrested and harassed as convenient.

Two English newspapers, the Daily Star and New Age, recently published reports on plans of the police headquarters which aimed at nabbing the opposition. On 17 July, Voice of America’s English website carried news on the same matter. The headlines read: ‘Bangladeshi police accused of conspiring against opposition candidates.’ The source of these reports is the leaked minutes of a meeting of senior police officers.

The police did not issue any rejoinder denying the news, nor did the police information department make any comment when asked about the matter by Voice of America.

The reports said, at that meeting it was said that all cases against the opposition leaders and activists must be revived and steps must be taken to carry out their trials fast. The police, it was said, would have to take assistance from the law ministry to coordinate with the courts.

The Daily Star carried two reports. Their headlines on 10 July read that initiative had been taken to revive old cases in order to keep the movement in control. The second major headlines on the first page the following day read, Dhaka Metropolitan Police had selected 25 cases held up in the High Court and had directed the DMP deputy commissioner to ensure that the investigating officers speedily complete investigations and arrange hearings. All top BNP leaders are accused in these cases.

In the meantime, the significance of the incident that took place in the Dhaka-17 by-election cannot be overlooked either. The ‘boat’ supporters who had attacked Hero Alom, were heard to say, “He is a TikToker, a joker, why does he want to be an MP in the Gulshan-Banani are? Does he know what MP means?” That means only those who get the boat symbol have the right to aspire to be MP.

When Hero Alom came under attack inside the polling centre, the police took him and left him outside. The boat badge-holders were waiting and beat him up. The police not come forward from the polling centre to rescue him. The Border Guard unit on patrol there, simply looked on. On the day that campaigning began, this candidate was harassed by supporters of the ruling party. By not taking any special measures or extra precaution for his safety, the election commission displayed its lack of responsibility.

Is the ruling party actually heading towards a one-sided election?

These incidents make it clear that the ruling party is more or less determined to ensure that the opposition parties and any independent candidate do not get the scope to exercise their rights. The police and law enforcement agencies are unwilling to give up acting like party persons. In fact, they also join the ruling party in repressing and suppressing the opposition. The election commission too had failed to display any capability of independently following the democratic norms and implement the code of conduct.

The question is, at a juncture when international interest is being generated in Bangladesh’s forthcoming election and they are monitoring the situation closely, why is the ruling party acting even more undemocratic and intolerant? Why are the police and the election commission displaying bias toward the ruling party and increasing the risk of violence?

The EU has already said that if the election is not inclusive and peaceful, they will not send observers. The US is not likely to do anything different. So is the ruling party actually heading towards a one-sided election?

The benefits for the ruling party of not having any foreign observers, is clear in the 2018 election. The BNP secretary general recently expressed his apprehension that the government wanted to keep BNP out of the election. Is that what is to happen? If not, why will those in power do so much that justifies the opposition’s demand for a caretaker government?

* Kamal Ahmed is a senior journalist

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir