I'm writing this after almost a year and seven months. On 5 August 2024, the nearly one-and-a-half-decade-long fascist rule of Sheikh Hasina came to an end due to a bloody uprising by students and citizens. Three days later, an interim government was formed under the leadership of Professor Muhammad Yunus, where I served as an advisor. After being relieved from that position, I've decided to write again. It seems like there's a bit of stiffness in my writing. However, the experience of being part of the government for the past one and a half years was a different world for me.
Even though my five years of prior experience (experience working with the Election Commission) helped a lot in understanding this world, I must say that whatever I understood and tried to work out with my own wisdom was merely the tip of the iceberg. The bureaucracy in our country, through which the country is supposed to be run, is quite complex. Without understanding even a fraction of this complex process, it is difficult for any policymaker to delve into it deeply. As a result, there is no option but to go with the flow.
Hasina's regime was like a nightmare. Under her rule, independent and neutral people were more or less mentally and physically persecuted. The physical and mental torture of opposition organisations, especially politicians and dissenters, cannot be described fully. For the 15 years before Hasina's downfall, my TV talk shows and writings were against the government. I had to become a subject of the government's disfavour. I was also offered to contest in elections, which I refused. For the following 10 years, I was kept away from all military invitations.
Until 5 August 2024, I opposed Hasina's repressive regime from my position. Many might remember that on 4 August 2024, a few senior retired military officers, including myself, publicly made a statement. As the first speaker, I urged the military not to shoot at their own country's people. It was clearly stated to disobey unjust and illegal orders.
Apparently, the military responded to our call. The situation rapidly changed. The fall and exile of Hasina were expedited. The struggle of students and the public reached the brink of victory. Naturally, Bangladesh was waiting for a new beginning. In my view, the military's stance and turnaround that day saved Bangladesh from a potentially dire consequence.
After Hasina's departure and the fall of her cabinet, there was a chaotic situation in the country due to a three-day governmental vacuum. Law enforcement left the field. Many members went into hiding at various places fearing public outrage. Several police stations were looted, and many weapons went missing. According to statistics, about 1,500 weapons are still unaccounted for. The recovery of these weapons should continue as their misuse is likely. Since these weapons are used by the country's law enforcement, obtaining ammunition is very easy. Under the newly elected government, the improvement of law and order in the country is a significant challenge. Therefore, recovering the missing weapons should also be prioritised.
My 19 months of experience in the interim government began on 8 August 2024. On that day, I was given the responsibility of the Ministry of Home Affairs. But my tenure there was only for nine days. On the ninth day, part of my statement regarding the fallen Awami League was distorted, and a campaign was run against me. As a result of that controversy, I couldn't continue in my post.
My brief period at the Ministry of Home Affairs was very significant. At that time, the police were practically absent in many areas. They weren't returning to their duties out of fear of public outrage. On the other hand, the peace-loving general public was also deeply anxious. In a vengeful atmosphere, incidents of occupying and setting fire to the homes of Awami League supporters were spreading. The situation was unstable and at risk of worsening.
In this situation, my first responsibility was to bring the police back to their workplaces. But at that time, the police force was not willing to trust anyone's assurances. They were even disregarding directives from senior officers. Their 17-point demand came to the forefront. Bringing back an agitated, frightened, and distrustful force became one of the toughest challenges of my life. After nearly five hours of long discussions, they finally agreed to return to work.
My plan was to start investigating key incidents of recent violence. It was particularly urgent to verify allegations of police weapons being used by others. Various indications suggested that in some cases, police firearms were used by party cadres in civilian clothing. But I didn't have enough time to start that process. I was removed from my position. I wanted to leave the government then, but it didn't happen due to Professor Yunus's request. He himself mentioned being under considerable pressure.
Based on the above experience, I firmly believe that there is still a significant lack of fundamental reform in the police force. Even though a Police Commission has been formed, real change hasn't been visible. Besides changes in uniform and logo, no structural transformation has occurred. Not everyone even liked the new uniform colour. Although changing the logo and uniform was one of the 17 demands of the police, such symbolic measures cannot free the police from political influence.
To truly transform the police into a professional and neutral institution, several fundamental reforms are essential. First, an independent, neutral, and effective commission must be formed to oversee the overall management, recruitment, promotion, and accountability of the police, with a clear constitutional or legal basis. Second, to keep it free from political influence, recruitment processes and cadre structures must be reformed. Without prioritising talent, training, and professionalism, it won't be possible to reduce partisan influence on the force.
Currently, recruitment in the police happens at three levels. Firstly, direct recruitment at the constable level. Secondly, recruitment at the inspector level. Thirdly, recruitment at the officer level through BCS cadre.
Structurally, this multi-level entry is supposed to create administrative balance, but in practice, it has not always ensured professionalism and neutrality.
In my view, to truly free the police from partisan influence, the recruitment structure can be limited to two levels: recruitment at the constable level and officer recruitment through the BCS. Those joining as constables can be promoted to the inspector level based on merit, experience, and training. This would create internal professional continuity and reduce the opportunity for political influence in mid-level positions.
To build a professional, accountable, and neutral police force, ensuring transparency and a merit-based structure in recruitment and promotion systems is imperative. I hope policymakers will consider this issue seriously. The plans I had about reforming the Ministry of Home Affairs or the police, I couldn't implement them in reality. Perhaps that's my fault. Maybe I spoke a bit too soon.
It's regrettable that the Interim Government's formed Police Reform Commission didn't seem to consider my written proposals seriously. Yet, I believe that if not today, then tomorrow, these issues might be discussed anew. I hope the current government will deeply consider this matter and move towards necessary reforms.
* M Sakhawat Hossain is former advisor to the interim government, former Election Commissioner, and retired military officer
* Views expressed are the author's own
* The op-ed, originally published in Prothom Alo print and online editions, has been rewritten in English by Rabiul Islam