What the people gained in new govt's first 6 months

Tarique Rahman's six-month tenure as Prime Minister has been completed. His party has passed one-tenth of their term. For a five-year government, six months is not too long, but also not too short. Now, there will be an assessment of expectations, achievements, and capabilities over these past six months, both domestically and internationally. The government itself will undoubtedly conduct an evaluation as well.

At the time of assuming office, there was talk from the authorities about a preliminary 180-day programme. Perhaps an audit of that will take place now. The initial moments were promising when the Prime Minister talked about stopping duty-free car imports and plots of land for Members of Parliament. However, the enthusiasm in villages and cities has now waned.

The drop in fuel supply is slowing down the pace of the cities. This has given a deadly blow to both the formal and informal industrial sectors. Fewer job opportunities mean increased unemployment. Those who do have jobs are seeing their incomes decrease. The lack of gas is also affecting the processing of essential goods like sugar, wheat, and oil, influencing market conditions. It seems there was a lack of foresight and preparation concerning the crises and opportunities in various sectors, including energy.

Any government in Bangladesh inherits many ongoing crises from the past. The BNP had similar misfortunes. However, in February, the government claimed they had a 'plan'. They aimed to build an inclusive Bangladesh. The 17th point of their '31 points' mentioned taking appropriate measures for power generation relying on renewable and mixed energy instead of import dependency and discovering and extracting overlooked gas and mineral resources. Isn't this the time to start that? Yet, we now hear talks of privatising the energy sector.

In the early months, the government waived bank loans up to Tk 10,000 for many farmers. This instantly benefited around 1. 3 million farmers with Tk 15 billion. But, farmers are not getting relief from old crises when it comes to agricultural inputs and selling crops. The 27th point of the 31 points was about fair prices for agricultural products. There are many promises there. Did discussions on these matters gain momentum in the past six months?

People's immediate desire from the new government was for an improvement in law and order. In his first speech to the nation on 19 February, the Prime Minister said it was his 'government's priority. 'Yet, alongside extortion and murders, the fear of 'pressure cookers' is spreading everywhere. These bombs, capable of causing massive damage, appearing mysteriously here and there, seem mysterious. One cannot help being anxious about when, where, and against whom these might be used in the future.

Comfort in energy and law and order is the number one desire for investors of all kinds. As tensions continue there, banks are trying to attract investment by lowering interest rates. But the energy crisis seems only to complicate the old problem of non-performing loans further. If business declines, so will revenue. Such crises are like a vicious circle. The government inherited a troubled banking sector. Deposits of millions of customers remain trapped in many banks. Even after six months, customers have not received any pleasing news.

These things perhaps reveal the fundamental truth that running this country in the old manner will be difficult. A centralised British administration cannot meet the needs of Bangladesh in 2026. Much responsibility must be given to the local government. Nothing of such happened in the meantime. Before that happened, a decision was made to create offices for MPs in local government offices! Instead of moving forward, we've stepped back.

It's unfortunate that the Prime Minister's directives are getting stuck in the ministries. Many small examples can be given on this matter. The Prime Minister ordered the relocation of inter-district bus counters from within the capital. A task executable within 24 hours. But anyone can visit Kalyanpur, Shyamoli, Fakirapul at 11 PM and see how roads are turned into makeshift terminals. These are mini-examples of running with old models.

It seems the ministries are not in sync with the Prime Minister. Yet, important positions are being filled by BNP leaders in offices beyond the ministries. In Bangladesh's context, this isn't unusual. Some 'benefit' must be given to leaders who suffered jail and oppression for a long time.

The question arises, if specialised and technically oriented institutions do not have specialists in policymaking positions, then these institutions have no production-oriented future. This is a literal truth in the age of high-tech. If governmental agencies become rehabilitation centres for party leaders, what the aggregated outcome will be for all such agencies is easily predictable.

The state in Bangladesh means 50-60 ministries and 300-400 departments-directorates under them. The implementation of all aspirations of the party, Prime Minister, and people ultimately depends on the efficiency and competence of these institutions. A Chairman for an organisation leading the maritime transport sector surely needs to have theoretical and practical experience in this field. Similarly, for the Chair of the Handloom Board, someone experienced in the textile industry would be appropriate.

If being a good organiser for Jubo Dal and having been persecuted are considered qualifications for becoming a Chairman of these institutions, it would be a grave danger for the country. After independence, in the name of nationalisation, large industrial enterprises were thus ruined.

If someone receives a high position in state agencies, and despite having a party identity, is skilled technically in the relevant field, at the end of the year, the government would have something remarkable to show in that sector. However, as these agencies now receive leaders at average rates, there's no connection between the type of work these institutions do and the qualification-experience of the newly appointed Chairpersons or Directors. It might establish the party's control over the state nicely, but the social audit of the government would start looking bad after six months.

There are also reports that leaders receiving party appointments to government positions are not relinquishing their party roles. This means they cannot properly focus on either the party's or the state's work. Soon, BNP may become politically burdened with 400-500 important officials-organisers.

The movement that ensured the February election and brought BNP to power primarily demanded prioritising 'merit over quota' in state appointments. It's time to consider how much respect has been given to that expectation in these six months.

Meanwhile, the way the government is proceeding regarding the anti-disappearance law and the formation of the Human Rights Commission also shows clear signs of retreating from the stance of the mass uprising. The draft anti-disappearance law indicates structural weaknesses in its investigation process. The Human Rights Commission will face similar crises. The process of selecting its Chairman and members ensures it will remain limited by party preferences! Only one member of the opposition party is included in the eight-member selection committee.

The approval of the drafts of these two laws by the Cabinet means a victory of 'yes' in Parliament too! Such a scenario is frightening for civil society. How is this ‘democracy’ different from past ‘parliamentary democracy’?

The drafts of the anti-disappearance law and Human Rights Commission law hint at a bitter future for the much-discussed reforms. These seem like structural returns to the old days. TI (Transparency International) questioned whether the government had learned anything from the brutal and multifaceted human rights violations of authoritarian regimes based on their assessment of the above two drafts.

Such questions also apply to other political parties and civil society. They need to be more vocal and active anew to prevent the elected government from walking the old path. If the elected government loses, politics ultimately loses in the end.

*Altaf Parvez is researcher and author

#The opinions expressed here are the author's own.

*This article, originally published in Prothom Alo print and online editions, has been rewritten in English by Rabiul Islam.