There were attempts to appoint someone other than Dr. Yunus as Chief Adviser

I regularly wrote newspaper columns criticising the Awami League's authoritarian rule. I appeared on talk shows, attended meetings and seminars, and took part in street protests. And since I am a professor at the University of Dhaka, I always maintained close contact with students. So, it was only natural that I would be involved in the July mass uprising.

I became optimistic gradually. There had been many protest movements before, and a sense of disappointment had set in. I began to firmly believe that the government would fall when the army said it would not take up arms against the people.

On 17 July, we, a group of teachers, secured the release of two students from Shahbag Police Station. That same day, university teachers held a rally at the University of Dhaka, and on 19 July, parents held a gathering in Shahbag. I was participating in rallies and processions almost every day. The Drohojatra (Defiance March) on 2 August drew people from all walks of life. At those gatherings, I saw many people who had never before taken to the streets against Sheikh Hasina. By the final week of July, it seemed that many people had reached the same conclusion: no matter how many lives were lost or what happened, leaving the streets was no longer an option.

There was another thing that struck me as remarkable. I had taken part in many protest movements before, but I can say very distinctly that toward the end of this uprising, I realised I no longer felt any fear of death. So many young people were being killed. Young ones were writing letters to their mothers before joining the protests. An young woman was standing in a rickshaw, leading chants. It made me feel that my own death, if it came, would be insignificant. That is probably why, at the gathering at the Central Shaheed Minar on 3 August, I said that I would stand with them until death.

When I was young, I used to hear stories about the freedom fighters of the Liberation War and wonder how people could go into battle knowing they might die. Through this uprising, I came to understand how real that feeling is, and that I experienced it myself. It was an extraordinary realisation.

Yes. Late one night, I was told at the gate of the Fuller Road residential area that a professor from BRAC University had come and wanted to speak with me. I went downstairs. At one point, after we moved to a more secluded spot, he admitted that he was not actually a BRAC University professor but a member of the army.

He said, "Sir, we've received information that snipers loyal to Sheikh Hasina have been deployed and are shooting people from a distance. Also, at any moment, those of you in leadership positions may be arrested."

At the time, I didn't take it very seriously. But later, when I mentioned it to a couple of senior people, they said, "Yes, it's very likely that he really was from the army."

Then, on the night of 4 August, another man came, introducing himself as a relative of a University of Dhaka professor. He urgently pleaded with me not to stay at home that night. He said that I and Professor Hasib Chowdhury of BUET were going to be killed. My wife, Sheila, became extremely frightened. That night, I stayed at the Fuller Road residence of Professor Mostafa Al Mamun.

Asif Nazrul: No, because I didn't attach much importance to it at the time. I also wasn't keeping written notes. But as far as I can remember, it was probably around 24 or 25 July.

It had already been planned that there would be another rally on 5 August. We didn't know that the government would fall that very day, but we were fairly certain that Sheikh Hasina could no longer hold on to power.

As I was getting ready, I received a phone call. I saw it was from the army. After greeting me, the caller said, "Sir, you'll need to come to Army Headquarters for a while." I think it was around 1:00 pm.

By then, television had already announced that the Army Chief (General Waker-Uz-Zaman) would address the nation. I became suspicious and asked whether any politicians would be there. The caller mentioned Mirza Fakhrul's name. After hanging up, I called Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir. He said, "I'm already on the way. You should come,there's no problem." I also called Rizwana Hasan, who told me, "You should definitely go."

Meanwhile, my wife, Sheila, had found out. She broke down in tears, saying, "I think they're going to kill you!" I tried to reassure her by telling her that Mirza Fakhrul was also going. A little later, the army sent a major to pick me up. It turned out he had studied in my department for a few months. At the gate, he told Sheila, "Madam, you may take my picture, take a picture of the vehicle, there's no problem." Then we set off.

It was an unbelievable journey.

After passing Jigatala and approaching the Dhanmondi Road 27 intersection, I suddenly saw a huge crowd. They were holding sticks aloft and shouting loudly. The army vehicle stopped, and they seemed to be wondering whether they should make a U-turn. I asked, "Are these Awami League supporters or protesters?" They replied, "Sir, where would you even find Awami League supporters now? They're all protesters."

I got out of the vehicle and walked toward them with my hands raised, saying, "I'm Asif Nazrul." The protesters erupted in cheers. Then, all of a sudden, they lifted me onto their shoulders. It was like when a football team wins the UEFA Champions League and the players toss their coach into the air, I was being passed from one person's shoulders to another above the crowd.

After they finally let me go, the vehicle sped off again. Ahead of us, the entire roadway was empty. There were army barricades at various points, and the streets were littered with bricks, torn clothing, shoes, and other signs of destruction. But there wasn't a single person in sight.

It was a large meeting room. The Army Chief was seated at the head of the table, and I believe the Navy Chief and Air Force Chief were with him. On either side sat rows of eight or nine political leaders.

I saw Mirza Fakhrul and Mirza Abbas. Jamaat-e-Islami's Ameer, Shafiqur Rahman, came over and introduced himself. Assistant Secretary General Hamidur Rahman Azad was also there. Mamunul Haque, Secretary General of Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish, and Faizul Karim, Vice Ameer of Islami Andolan Bangladesh, were present as well. A little later, Zonayed Saki (then the chief coordinator of the Ganosamhati Andolan, now a state minister) arrived. GM Quader and Anisul Islam Mahmud of the Jatiya Party were particularly vocal during the discussion.

At that point, the debate centered on whether the parliament should be dissolved. Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman turned to me and said, " Asif saheb, what do you think? You're a teacher."

I replied, "The parliament absolutely must be dissolved. This isn't a legitimate parliament, it was formed through a fraudulent election."

Anisul Islam Mahmud argued that dissolving parliament could create a crisis. In response, the BNP and Jamaat leaders spoke very firmly, saying, "No, it has to be dissolved."

At one point, I asked about Sheikh Hasina's situation. I was told that she would resign and that she would no longer remain in office.

Around then, someone suggested that I ask the public to remain calm. At about 3:00 pm, I posted a Facebook status urging people to stay peaceful, saying that very good news was about to arrive.

There was a television on the wall behind General Waker. Suddenly, it showed Sheikh Hasina leaving on an aircraft. She may have departed earlier, but when it was broadcast, it was probably around 3:30 pm.

I said, "Sheikh Hasina is leaving!"

General Waker looked surprised and turned around to look at the television. He said, "She's gone!"

He may have already known that Hasina was going to leave. But whether he knew she would leave at that exact moment or whether she would inform him before departing, I don't know.

He had consulted the political leaders, and the military officers had also given their input. When I spoke with him, I said, "General Waker, you should make it clear that Sheikh Hasina is no longer in power, so that everyone remains calm. As for what happens next, the students and the political leaders should sit down together and decide."

As for his statement in the speech that "we are going to form an interim government," he did not discuss that with me directly.

To be frank, there were about 20 politicians in the room, and I was the only representative from civil society. I wasn't comfortable about speaking too much.

That did cross my mind. But at the time, the question of dissolving parliament seemed to me to be the most urgent issue, because only the president could dissolve parliament. I teach constitutional law, so that was the way I was thinking.

On the way to Bangabhaban, I asked the army whether they had established contact with the students. They told me they were trying.

Let me add something else, though it may sound surprising. Throughout the mass uprising, I never had direct contact with any of the central coordinators of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. I was only in touch with Nur (Nurul Haque Nur) and Akhtar (Akhtar Hossain). They were arrested very early on.

As for Nahid (Nahid Islam), I met him only once. It was at a hospital, late at night, perhaps on 15 July. Nahid was about to leave, so I called him over and told him to be careful. I also said, "Son, don't chant only 'I am a Razakar, Razakar,' because people will misunderstand." I asked him, "What are you going to do now?" He replied, "Sir, we're going to announce another round of protests. We cannot stop." I was drawn to him.

Then, on the afternoon of 5 August, several politicians asked me, "Constitutionally, what happens now?" I told them, "If you want to proceed constitutionally, Article 106 of the Constitution contains the answer to all these uncertainties."

The Army Chief was not seated in the meeting room the entire time. He left the room several times, and on some occasions, a few of the politicians went outside with him. There were also many military officers in the adjoining room.

For much of the time, I was watching people's reactions on television and online. I really wanted to rush out and join the people celebrating in the streets.

From the overall atmosphere, however, it was clear that the discussions were focused on what would happen after Parliament was dissolved and how the next government would be formed.

The politicians collectively decided that they would go to Bangabhaban. The reason was that the president had the authority to dissolve parliament, so they needed to discuss it with him. I think Jatiya Party emphasised this point more, and the army also wanted it.

The journey was unforgettable. At that time, hundreds of thousands of people had surrounded the cantonment area. Everyone wanted me to sit in the front vehicle; a little later, Zonayed Saki also got into it.

With thousands of people around, how could the vehicles move? After I said something, people moved aside slightly. They created a narrow path, just wide enough for a vehicle to pass, almost like a trail for an ant.

I lowered the car window, stuck my head out, and repeatedly folded my hands, saying, "Please, make way." Someone pulled my head toward them and held me against their chest. Someone tried to touch my cheek. Someone ran their hand through my hair. Suddenly, one person grabbed his own shirt, tore off all the buttons in excitement, and began shouting with joy. It was an unbelievable sight!

During that journey, I noticed something else. Saki received several phone calls. People were discussing who would be included in the government. I told Saki, "We are not the authority here. This should be decided through discussions involving everyone, including the students."

Saki agreed with me. But I realized that even at that moment, during that very journey, those who were hoping or thinking about joining the government had already started making contact and communicating.

When I arrived at Bangabhaban, I found that it was as if they were already informed and waiting for us. At Army Headquarters, there had been around 20 politicians; here, there were nearly 40. All the leaders of the Democratic Left Alliance, including Mannan Bhai (Mahmudur Rahman Manna, president of Nagorik Oikya), as well as more leaders from the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami; Hasnat Qaiyum Bhai (Hasnat Qaiyum, president of the Rashtra Sanskar Andolon), Hasan Al Mamun (general secretary of Gono Odhikar Parishad), and many others were there.

I looked for civilian representatives, but once again, there was no one there except me.

Then Chuppu saheb (outgoing President Mohammed Shahabuddin) arrived. After he became president, I had written on Facebook criticising him, saying that Bangladesh had a president who sent birthday greetings to Sheikh Hasina’s deputy press secretary. In response, he had said in a speech that there was supposedly a University of Dhaka teacher named Asif Nazrul who said all sorts of things about him, but that he did not pay attention to such remarks.

That same person then came up to me, shook my hand, and held my arm with his other hand. He said, something I still remember, "Asif Sahib, you are the one we are counting on. How are you, brother?" He seemed quite nervous.

During the discussion, when Fakhrul Bhai mentioned the release of Khaleda Zia, the president seemed to say, "Okay, arrangements will be made."

When it was my turn to speak, I said, "What do you mean by 'arrangements will be made'? She must be released today, right now!"

I also said that parliament must be dissolved, and that political prisoners must be released. Regarding the formation of the government, I said that whatever decision was made, it should be done according to the wishes of the students. The students were the ones leading this movement.

I remember only one dissenting voice. Citing the need to maintain law and order, GM Quader suggested the possibility of imposing martial law or declaring a state of emergency. Everyone strongly objected at the time; I also said, "No, not under any circumstances."

It was decided that political prisoners would be released; Khaleda Zia would be released immediately; all false cases would be withdrawn; an interim government would be formed based on the opinions of political parties; parliament would be dissolved; and peace and order would be restored quickly.

Everyone also agreed that whatever decision was taken would be based on the views of the students. There was discussion that an interim government would be formed, but the question of who would lead it was not mentioned. I was given the responsibility of communicating with the students.

Saki told me, "Don't worry. They are all very close to me. I will arrange it. The two of us will go together."

After the meeting ended, I spoke privately with General Waker. I told him, "Akhtar is my student, a boy from a very ordinary family. His wife comes to my house, distressed. Please arrange for him to be released from jail tonight." He gave me his word, and Akhtar was released that very night.

Yes, it is a very well-known incident. About an hour after the meeting had begun, three people suddenly entered, two young men and a young woman. There was a stir at the head of the table: "The coordinators are coming, the coordinators are coming!"

The politicians stood up, the army officers stood up, and everyone began showing them respect and attention. I was very surprised. Who were these people?

Later, before the press conference, Hasnat Qaiyum Bhai came running to me and said, "Asif, you must not introduce them as coordinators. There are many things involved here." I said, "Okay. I don't even know them."

At the press conference, I said that the government would be formed according to what Nahid, Asif, and Sarjis said. Their opinions would be given the highest importance. We were trying to establish communication with them.

Yes, it took a lot of effort to arrange. We called the person who had earlier contacted me on behalf of Nahid. After a while, he informed me, "Asif Sir, Nahid Bhai says they will speak only with you, and no one else."

Saki was standing beside me. I said, "Saki, please don't mind." Saki replied, "No, no, there's no problem. You go."

I went with a convoy of vehicles to the office of Samakal and Channel 24. The army officers asked me, "Sir, should we stay, or should we leave?" I said, "You leave. Nothing will happen to me." They left, and Saki left as well, I was alone.

The students took me around in circles. They would not tell me where we were going. It felt like the kind of situation where members of a communist party operate from secret locations. It was already past 1:00 am, and I was extremely tired.

Finally, we sat in a room on the third or fourth floor of a building at Curzon Hall. Nahid, Asif, Sarjis, Mahfuj, and Nasir entered the room.

In an exhausted voice, I told them, "Boys, the nation will remain grateful to you for what you have done."

Then they raised the issue of forming the government. Nahid said, exactly as I remember it, "Sir, the interim government we are going to have, who should be the head of this government?"

I mentioned Salehuddin Ahmed and Wahiduddin Mahmud (respectively, the former governor of Bangladesh Bank and a prominent economist, both of whom later became advisers to the interim government).

Then Nahid said, "Sir, what if Yunus Sir becomes the head?"

I immediately said, "He won't agree."

Before that, Yunus Sir had been going back and forth to court, and I had been with him during that time. He would often say that the only blunder of his life was entering politics. Remembering those things, I said that Sir would not agree.

Asif immediately laughed and said, "He will agree, Sir. We have spoken with him. It is almost confirmed."

I exclaimed, "What are you saying! Wonderful! If that happens, nothing could be better than this!"

Nahid suddenly asked, "Sir, will none of us be in the government?"

I said, "Of course, if you want to be there, why wouldn't you? If there is a government of ten people, at least one person should be from among you."

Asif laughed and said, "Only ten per cent!"

I said, "Then have two people."

Someone mentioned four people. I said, "I'm not the person who will decide this. You should talk with the politicians."

Then I said, "The army wants to speak with you."

At first, they said, "Sir, what will we talk about with them?"

I replied, "They supported your uprising. Sit down and see what they have to say. If you don't like it, don't accept it."

They went outside the room and, after a while, returned and said they would meet. They set a time for the following day to go to Bangabhaban.

I returned home around 1:30 am. At last, I was able to see my wife, my wife who had seen me off in tears.

It was at Army Headquarters, in the morning. I went there after they called me. General Waker praised the role of the students and spoke strongly in favour of reforms. Then he spoke very frankly and said that he wanted to discuss who would become the head of the interim government.

I told him that the students' decision was that Yunus Sir would be the head, and that I believed this was the best choice.

He raised two objections. First, Yunus Sir had already been convicted in a labour law case. Second, there were allegations of money laundering against him.

I explained, "Look, I am a law teacher. If a ruling party wanted to target you, they could also have you convicted in a case. That is possible in Bangladesh. These are all propaganda from the Awami League government. Dr. Yunus is a person who is highly respected nationally and internationally; there is no alternative to him."

He spoke for quite some time. I gave him some examples. I talked about Sir's relationship with Clinton (the former US president), his relationship with Joe Biden (the former US president), how the Queen of Spain would run toward him when she saw him, and how the United Nations treated him. These were things I had witnessed myself.

He listened attentively. Then he smiled slightly and said, "What do you suggest I do?"

I said, "Give him a call."

He asked, "Should I call him?"

I said, "Why wouldn't you? He is the same age as your father, and he is a Nobel laureate."

Then he called his two colleagues, the Air Force Chief and the Navy Chief, into the room. Both of them said, "Yes, do it. What's the problem?"

Then he said that the head of the interim government would be Dr. Yunus. I felt that General Waker had been convinced at that point.

However, my impression is that sometime between then and the evening meeting at Bangabhaban, someone pressured General Waker, or he received some other information. Because something different happened at the Bangabhaban meeting.

Before the meeting began, we sat in a reception room at Bangabhaban. Everyone was there: Nahid, Asif, Mahfuj, Nasir, Hasnat, Sarjis, Baker, Nusrat, Professor Tanjimuddin, and me.

When the president and the chiefs of the three services arrived, General Waker suddenly looked at me and said, "Asif sahib, we have already spoken with you; let us sit with the students for a while." It came as a surprise. It was clear that they had a plan to hold a separate meeting with the students.

I had already told the students about the morning meeting. I had said, "You must not agree to anyone other than Yunus Sir." They were even more firm on this position than I was. They told me, "Sir, don't worry about this."

Nahid and the others left for the meeting. The rest of us just sat there and waited endlessly. It felt like four or five hours. When the meeting ended, Nahid and Asif returned. I asked, "Nahid, were you able to do it?" He said, "Yes, Sir, don't worry. Yunus Sir will be the one."

I hugged them. I felt so happy!

Later, from what I heard about the discussion, the main purpose of the entire meeting had been to choose someone other than Yunus Sir as the head of government. They had even suggested to the students that one of them could take responsibility. The students remained firm. Finally, General Waker reportedly said, "Okay, fine. Do whatever you think is best."

After that, there was a formal session lasting about 10-15 minutes with the president and others. They acknowledged that they had suggested someone other than Yunus Sir, but the students had remained firm, and now everyone was more or less in agreement that Yunus Sir would be the head. Judging by their expressions, it seemed they had accepted it, though reluctantly.

I did not even know that the students were bringing a preliminary list of 10-15 names at the meeting on the night of 6 August. They did not discuss the preparation of that list with me.

However, from what I later learned, the students initially wanted to form a national government involving the political parties. When BNP did not agree to that, the idea of forming a government with non-political individuals emerged. The first list of such people was most likely finalised after discussions with BNP and Jamaat.

I do not know. However, on the night of 7 August or the morning of 8 August, Yunus Sir sent me the names of several women. I gave my opinions, and he made the decisions based on his own judgment.

A few days later, when four more advisers were added, Sir finalised that after discussing it with some of us. He wanted to include one more person (a prominent economist). He asked me to speak with the students. The students objected, so he did not include that person.

When I went upstairs to the VIP terminal at the airport, I saw people from different security forces and many people from various Grameen institutions. The students had been asked to wait downstairs. I became angry and brought them upstairs. Nahid, Asif, and Umama. I positioned them in a place where Sir would see them immediately upon entering the lounge. Sir, embraced them, and he embraced me as well.

After going downstairs, Sir entered a room with Nahid, the Army Chief, and one or two others. A little later, Sir called me and asked how the government could be formed and whether there would be any constitutional complications.

I said, "If we want, we have the opportunity to form this government by seeking the opinion of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court under Article 106 of the Constitution." Sir instructed that this should be done.

At the airport, Sir spoke with Nahid and the others. It is likely that his approval was obtained there regarding the final list of advisers. Later, Sir came to another room and spoke with many other student leaders, human rights activists, and journalists who had gathered there.

Around Sir were the fearless student leaders who had driven away the fascist ruler. It was a very moving scene to witness at that moment. It was at the airport that I learned the new government might take oath in the evening.

On my way back from the airport, I learned that Yunus Sir was looking for me. A roughly 30-minute meeting took place at Sir's house in Gulshan. Sir gave me a document regarding the portfolios and asked for my opinion. He looked very tired.

The last time I had seen him before that was in court, inside the iron cage built for defendants. And now, in a short while, he would be taking responsibility for the country. Looking at him, I felt deeply emotional. I had never imagined that something like this could ever happen.

After many years, people regained their right to vote, and their true representatives formed the parliament and the government, this was a major achievement.

Some reforms were carried out; steps were taken for those killed and injured in the July mass uprising; justice for enforced disappearances and killings has finally begun; discipline was brought to the financial sector; and through the July Museum and documentaries, a strong narrative against fascism was created.

Most importantly, largely because of Yunus Sir, international propaganda against the mass uprising was brought to an end.

There were also failures. We could not adequately address issues such as controlling mob violence, the culture of keeping false accused persons in cases, and attacks on Prothom Alo and The Daily Star. We also failed to prevent the destruction of the house at Dhanmondi Road 32.

Our error in judgment regarding the measles vaccine was extremely painful, although that crisis had largely been created during the Awami League era.

They are not doing badly. Nahid, Akhtar, and Hasnat are playing very good roles in parliament. Their party is trying to build a third stream of politics and has managed to create a sense of hope. We will have to see how things develop.

The first aspiration was the fall of Hasina's fascist rule, and that happened. Voting rights have been restored, enforced disappearances have stopped, and fabricated cases and repression have ended.

For students, the painful quota system and torture in university "mass rooms" have ended; for workers, better labour laws have been introduced. However, these achievements must be made permanent, and more steps need to be taken for marginalised people.

After a mass uprising, people have enormous expectations, and they cannot all be fulfilled. People are also not always able to remain patient. This happens everywhere.

As for the struggle over ownership of the uprising or claims of credit for any achievement, that is a deeply rooted habit of ours. Sheikh Hasina institutionalised this during her rule. Perhaps we have not yet been able to completely free ourselves from its influence.

Thank you as well.