1
The fall and flight of the Sheikh Hasina regime represent the victory of a single battle, but the broader war is far from over. The ongoing struggle is a much longer one—a journey towards building a state rooted in equality, human dignity, and social justice. Whichever party had assumed power following the 13th Jatiya Sangsad (national parliamentary election) would have inherited the monumental challenge of rebuilding a devastated state apparatus. During the mafia-like, prolonged rule of the Awami League, Bangladesh’s state institutions were rendered so ineffective that, in many instances, they were left near total collapse.
Many draw comparisons between Bangladesh’s current predicament and Sri Lanka’s economic recovery or Nepal’s political transition. This comparison, however, is not appropriate. To truly comprehend the situation in Bangladesh, one should look instead to the experiences of Tunisia or other Middle Eastern nations that navigated the Arab Spring. Much like those countries, Bangladesh endured a prolonged period of authoritarian rule during which virtually every state institution was systematically dismantled to maintain power.
A democratic state is not merely about holding elections or changing governments. It functions through a network of institutions, rules, and established structures. The judiciary, the executive, and the administration must operate independently within their respective mandates and jurisdictions. For a long time, this system ceased to function in Bangladesh. As a result, the incumbent government must simultaneously tackle complex political, economic, and administrative challenges—restoring state institutions to working order while meeting the immense expectations of the public.
2
Through the July Mass Uprising, the public voiced a profound desire to establish a democratic Bangladesh. For ordinary citizens, democracy begins with the unhindered right to vote. People want an electoral system through which they can freely choose their preferred representatives and government, applying this right to local government as well. Citizens also expect their elected government to oversee their general welfare. Furthermore, the conscious section of society places great emphasis on freedom of expression, human rights, judicial independence, and the effective functioning of state bodies. These constitute the fundamental prerequisites of a democratic state.
In evaluating the government’s performance over the past eight months, these expectations must be kept in mind. It cannot be denied that in certain areas, progress has fallen short of public expectation. However, one must consider the conditions under which the government assumed office.
In working alongside the administration, I have observed that a large section of the bureaucracy lacks experience in serving a government formed through participatory elections. An elected government comes with an electoral manifesto, and the civil service must relearn how to align its operations to implement that mandate. Nevertheless, I believe the process of gradually restoring state institutions to efficacy has commenced; it remains a long-term undertaking.
Significant shifts have also occurred regarding political rights and freedom of speech. Opposition political parties and ordinary citizens now freely offer sharp criticism of the government. At times, certain statements may seem to cross the boundary of acceptability, yet the government receives them with tolerance. In a democratic framework, such tolerance is vital.
3
In a country like Bangladesh, the economy remains the paramount priority. When citizens experience crises in their livelihoods and earnings, other national challenges feel magnified. Even the most efficient government faces ongoing issues, but during economic hardship, the burden of these problems weighs much more heavily on the populace.
At present, the primary economic challenge stems from the fallout of the egregious plundering that occurred under Awami rule, now further compounded by the global situation. Conflict in the Middle East has triggered a global energy crisis. Bangladesh has encountered this shock at a time when, for years, insufficient efforts were made to develop domestic energy resources. Under the Hasina administration, necessary steps to explore and develop national energy assets were neglected. Consequently, when instability strikes international energy markets, Bangladesh pays a steep price.
In response, the government is striving to secure long-term energy security on one hand, while taking immediate measures to support poor and vulnerable communities on the other. Plans are underway to distribute “Family Cards” to 4.1 million households within the current financial year. Estimating an average of five members per family, approximately 20 million people stand to benefit, with each family receiving monthly assistance of Tk 2,500. Additionally, the scope of the VGF (Vulnerable Group Feeding) and food assistance programmes has been expanded, with rice allocations doubled in certain cases. We hope these measures will alleviate the hardship of those facing economic distress.
To ensure energy security, initiatives have been launched to explore and drill new gas fields, with efforts focused on swiftly utilising the gas discovered in Bhola. The government is also prioritising solar energy, introducing incentives and policy measures so citizens can easily generate, consume, and sell surplus solar power from their homes. Legislation regarding solar energy is currently being drafted.
The benefits of these measures will not materialise overnight. However, once the energy crisis is substantially managed, it will yield a positive knock-on effect across other sectors of the economy, boosting investment and creating widespread employment.
4
In evaluating the law and order situation, one must recall how the police force was utilised prior to 5 August. Under the Hasina regime, the police underwent a form of militarisation—a complete departure from how law enforcement functions in a democratic state.
Recovering from the state the police found themselves in after 5 August was no easy task. My assessment is that the police are performing significantly better today. The transformation is stark when compared to the period under the interim government, when lawlessness frequently flared up, with groups taking the law into their own hands. Public singing was suppressed; women were prevented from playing football; traditional folk theatre (Jatra), fairs, and cultural activities were routinely disrupted. Shrines faced dreadful violence, with over a hundred shrines vandalised and set ablaze. Even the offices of the country’s leading newspapers, such as Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, were targeted with explicit threats and arson while the government remained passive.
Present-day Bangladesh has almost entirely emerged from that chaotic climate. Isolated incidents still occur—and they should not—but overall law and order has improved markedly.
Nevertheless, it is natural for the public to hold high expectations for a government that secured a two-thirds majority in parliament and the backing of over half the electorate. Measured against those high standards, some may feel that law and order has not improved sufficiently. A democratic government must respect and address these public concerns. I am confident that we will achieve substantial progress in short order.
5
It cannot be denied that allegations of extortion and illegal land occupation under the guise of political affiliations continue to surface. However, one must recognise that these problems are deeply entrenched in Bangladesh. Expecting every societal malady to vanish the day after a tyrannical regime is overthrown through a mass uprising is unrealistic. Reversing a political and social culture built over decades requires time.
The crucial issue here is whether the government is actively confronting these problems and whether conditions are improving. Positive precedents have already been set: a Member of Parliament and a Minister of State were obliged to step down from their positions—one facing allegations of land grabbing, and the other having publicly breached the law.
This sends an unmistakable signal to the public that the government will not turn a blind eye to wrongdoing. Work is currently underway to identify extortion and other illegal activities at the grassroots level, and further action will follow. Given the depth of the issue, sustained and methodical effort is required.
6
Certain concerns have been raised by civil society, human rights activists, and relevant stakeholders regarding various laws enacted by the government. Discussion and debate on these matters are welcome and necessary. However, when assessing these laws, one key principle should be kept in mind: we must not evaluate every piece of legislation solely through the lens of our experience under the Sheikh Hasina administration.
Assuming that a law will be abused in the future simply because past laws were misused is an erroneous conclusion. Even the best law can be weaponised by a government intent on harassment, but the existence of scope for misuse does not mean a government will inevitably exploit it. Alongside statutory provisions, practical application is paramount. Beyond the mere wording of the law, a government’s political goodwill and accountability are what truly matter.
If the application of any law infringes upon civil rights or leads to harassment, citizens must question it, and the law should be amended where necessary.
The defining hallmark of a democratic government is its readiness to acknowledge mistakes and rectify them. That is where the strength of democracy lies. A government will not always make the right decision, but it must possess the mindset to correct its course when errors occur. From rebuilding state institutions to steering the economy, maintaining law and order, and safeguarding civil rights, we must continuously nurture this democratic tradition. A government elected by the mandate of the people, marching forward hand-in-hand with its citizens, will not fail in this endeavor.
* Adviser to the Prime Minister on Policy and Strategy, Information and Broadcasting, and Culture