Currently the country’s economy is facing a stern challenge. Export revenue is not growing while remittance is downward and investment stagnant. The supply of gas and electricity to factories is inadequate. The government cannot handle the situation by putting a ceiling on the commodity prices or by importing.
Ministers are saying, syndicates are creating unrest in the market. But no one can catch those syndicates. The Directorate of Consumers’ Rights Protection sometimes nabs some small fry but the big ones remain beyond the reach of law. Meanwhile, billions of takas is being laundered. Defaults loans have crossed all past records, but the government is unable or unwilling to take action.
The policymakers in the government do not even acknowledge any problem in the country. They used to renounce any non-government survey or research reports. But now, after reigning for 15 years continuously, the government realises the economy is not faring well. So, they are taking advice from the economists.
Last Thursday the governor of Bangladesh Bank and officials of the finance ministry sat with economist and former advisor of the caretaker government Wahiduddin Mahmud. He said, loans must not be provided to the government and banks by printing money. Rather the government must focus on augmenting export and remittance.
Both the parties are observing programmes and counter programmes over the last one year. Politicians don’t bother about the myriad of problems in the country, rather they only think that all the problems will be solved if they can ascend to power.
But how will export and remittance improve if there is no political stability in the country? Bangladesh politics is always unstable and uncertain. That uncertainty is rising ahead of the national election.
Both the government and opposition party inflexible in their stances regarding the election. The government is saying the election must be held under the current constitution. The opposition demands the election must not take place with the incumbent government remaining in power.
Both the parties are observing programmes and counter programmes over the last one year. Politicians don’t bother about the myriad of problems in the country, rather they only think that all the problems will be solved if they can ascend to power.
On Thursday before the BNP road march at Bhairab the party’s standing committee member Gayeshwar Chandra Roy received an oath from the party activists that they are ready to go for hartal and blockades if required in future to oust the government.
Another member of BNP standing committee, Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said, “To expel the vote robbers, a tsunami must be created in Chattogram.”
On the other hand, the ruling party leaders said, they will handle any programme that may disrupt the peace of people with an iron hand. The problem is, in our country the definition of peace changes with the change of regimes.
Today the hartals and blockades are tantamount to being a peace disrupter for Awami League but they observed a myriad of such programmes while they were in the opposition.
Presumably, if BNP and its like-minded parties announce stern programmes like hartal and blockades, the government will not sit idle. During the late nineties Awami League activists used to have 'peace processions' during the days the opposition parties observed hartal. The clashes between ruling party activists and that of oppositions were frequent.
The continuous programme of BNP indicates they do not want to allow much time. They want to reach the ultimate within October before the election schedule is announced. The election commission is signaling to announce the schedule before November and the ruling Awami League is also taking strong preparations.
The question is how will the election take place? In the model of 2014 and 2018? The model of 2014 is to keep most of the registered parties out of the election. If the government does not want such an election taking place, they must make an agreement with the government. That may be done within the constitution or by amending it. The election of 1991 took place under the constitution of autocratic Ershad.
Last Friday the US state department announced, the US has started to take steps of putting restrictions on visas against the those who hinder the democratic process of election in Bangladesh. Among these persons are the members of law enforcing agencies, activists of ruling and opposition parties. Now the question remains to the political leaders of the country, will they resolve the crisis together or take the path of conflict?
The EC also has responsibilities regarding the matter. The CEC Habibul Awal said several times, the election will not be inclusive if a big party like BNP does not participate. But the people also want to know what they are doing in order to make the election inclusive. BNP did not want to participate initially under the army-backed caretaker government.
And again, if the election process repeats that of 2018 why should the opposition participate? Although the Awami League leaders and ministers are promising a fair and free election the reality is in contrast. If thousands of activists of a party face millions of legal cases, how can they take part in the election?
Just when the activists of two parties are heating up the road, the news arrived that the European Union will not send a full-fledged observation team for the election. They say, it is not clear now whether the necessary conditions will be fulfilled for the Bangladesh national election. EU’s ambassador to Dhaka, Charles Whitely informed the matter to CEC Haibul Awal through a letter.
On the other hand, a US pre-observation team is set to visit here from 7 to 13 October. They will verify whether they will send an observation team or not. Can one imagine Awami League and BNP sending a delegation jointly from Bangladesh to observe the election in any other country?
The political leadership of Bangladesh could not reach such a consensus in 52 years. That is why they rush to the foreign diplomats and the latter also remain active. Isn’t it a shame for our country?
The current crisis of the country as a matter of fact is the crisis of democracy. If we cannot hold a free, fair and inclusive election in 2024 the clash is evident. And whoever among Awami League and BNP wins that battle on the road- the people of Bangladesh and its democracy will be the ultimate loser.
Last Friday the US state department announced, the US has started to take the steps of putting restrictions on visas against those who hinder the democratic process of election in Bangladesh.
Among these personnel are the members of law enforcing agencies, activists of ruling and opposition parties. Now the question remains to the political leaders of the country, will they resolve the crisis together or take the path of conflict?
* Sohrab Hassan is joint editor at Prothom Alo and a poet. He can be contacted at [email protected]
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Syed Faiz Ahmed