Following the mass uprising in July, when discussions around state reform began, another topic also emerged alongside it — the introduction of proportional representation (PR) in the democratic system. In recent times, this conversation has not remained limited to dialogues among political parties; rather, several parties have taken to the streets with this demand, along with others.
The concept of proportional representation refers to an electoral system where candidates or members are elected to parliament based on the proportion of votes their party receives. In some countries, elections are conducted through a mixed system combining proportional representation with the traditional voting method known as first-past-the-post (FPTP). Germany, New Zealand, Scotland, and Wales are notable examples of such systems.
The most significant feature of proportional representation is that it reflects the actual share of votes received by different parties, where every vote — even if the candidate or party loses — is considered important. This is not the case under the current FPTP system. For this reason, PR is often seen as a more effective system for smaller parties.
However, the critical question is whether Bangladesh has the necessary state and constitutional framework to implement such a system — or if it can realistically develop that infrastructure in the near future.
However, the critical question is whether Bangladesh has the necessary state and constitutional framework to implement such a system — or if it can realistically develop that infrastructure in the near future.
In theory, proportional representation seems to be an effective system in a democratic context. Many countries have seen it play a successful role. But we must also consider whether such a system can function properly within the institutional limitations of a weak democracy like Bangladesh. Without thorough analysis, the sudden adoption of a new system like PR, driven by emotion, could lead to serious consequences in the Bangladeshi context.
Bangladesh’s current weak institutional framework — including an underperforming election commission and the existing constitutional structure — is not conducive to implementing a PR system. Given that the country has long failed to hold free and fair elections, it lacks the institutional and constitutional readiness to suddenly adopt a system like PR in such a short period.
What is needed first is comprehensive state and constitutional reform. If we look at the past year of governance, there’s little indication that such reforms are likely any time soon. Without political consensus, a system like PR will not yield positive results for us. Moreover, the implementation of such a system requires skilled human resources — something that cannot be developed overnight.
We must also keep in mind that, traditionally, voters in Bangladesh are accustomed to directly electing candidates of their choice. They prefer to cast their vote for individuals, not just parties. In a proportional representation (PR) system, that individual choice is largely absent. Instead of voting for a candidate, voters cast their vote for a party, which then decides who will fill the parliamentary seats. While some countries have introduced mixed systems—where people can vote for both individuals and parties—such systems may gradually erode the traditional connection between the public and their elected representatives. This could further alienate the people from the political system.
Another major concern is the widespread lack of understanding about PR among the general public in Bangladesh—particularly among working-class and marginalised voters. Just as institutional and constitutional reform is essential for effective implementation of proportional representation, so too is improving public awareness and comprehension of the system. This requires extensive preparation—something Bangladesh currently lacks.
If we look at the current political landscape, we can see that most politicians in Bangladesh are becoming increasingly disconnected from the public. Introducing PR without adequate preparation could worsen this trend and deepen the trust deficit among voters. Bangladesh has repeatedly failed to hold free and fair elections in the past, and as a result, public confidence in the electoral process remains low. Rebuilding that trust should be our first priority. This is not the right time to experiment with the electoral system.
Another major concern is the widespread lack of understanding about PR among the general public in Bangladesh—particularly among working-class and marginalised voters. Just as institutional and constitutional reform is essential for effective implementation of proportional representation, so too is improving public awareness and comprehension of the system. This requires extensive preparation—something Bangladesh currently lacks.
For these reasons, many researchers argue that implementing a PR system within a weak constitutional framework could not only further divide political parties but also polarise the public, which would ultimately hinder the country's overall development. The key question we must ask is: Will this system bring any real benefit to the country?
Globally, PR systems have not functioned well in countries with weak constitutional and institutional structures. If such a system is to be introduced in Bangladesh, it must be done gradually, in phases. That would require a long-term process—one that does not align with the current political and institutional realities of the country.
We must analyse and explain, in the context of Bangladesh, both the potential positive and negative aspects of a proportional representation (PR) system, based on research and long-term policy planning. Our democratic and electoral systems must be developed with due consideration for Bangladesh’s unique social and cultural context. We must always remember that adopting a system imposed by the West is not a real solution. In light of our own society, culture, and political practices, we may, in the future, consider building a mixed electoral system.
At the same time, public discourse on this issue should continue, involving university academics, think tanks, civil society, the media, and political parties. Ongoing dialogue among these groups will help raise public awareness and, over time, create a broader popular base for discussions on proportional representation.
Another important point to note is that introducing such a fundamental change within a temporary or transitional state structure could create further confusion among the public—confusion that we will have to carry forward. Therefore, any decision in this regard must be based on inclusive, research-backed evidence and should ideally be made under an elected government. This process must involve direct public participation—something the people of Bangladesh have long been deprived of.
Hence, no decision should be made merely to appease a few political parties, especially if that decision risks introducing a system that remains controversial and lacks broad legitimacy.
*Bulbul Siddiqi is Professor, Department of Political Science and Sociology, North South University.
#The views expressed are the author's own.