It is now almost certain that in the first half of February next year, the 13th National Parliament and the Constitution Reform Council elections will be held. At the same time, a referendum will take place on several important reforms included in the July National Charter. For a large portion of citizens, this is undoubtedly good news. However, many remain concerned about who will form the next Parliament and the Constitution Reform Council. There is also apprehension that the upcoming Parliament or Reform Council may include numerous controversial figures who could use power as a 'magic wand' to acquire wealth.
Our past experiences are not reassuring. As an example, consider a previous instance. Many readers may recall that in June 2008, elections were held for four old city corporations—Barishal, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet. For the first time, candidates were required to submit affidavits along with their nomination papers, detailing their educational qualifications, profession, sources of income, past and present legal cases, and the assets and liabilities of both themselves and their dependents. This was made mandatory following persistent efforts by “Shujan—Citizens for Good Governance” and under the guidance of the High Court. The purpose of submitting and publishing these details was to empower voters with information so they could make informed choices and vote for honest and qualified candidates.
In all these elections, candidates nominated by the Awami League were victorious—Shawkat Hossain Hiron in Barishal, Talukdar Abdul Khalek in Khulna, AHM Khairuzzaman Liton in Rajshahi, and Badruddin Ahmed Kamran in Sylhet. Candidates nominated by the BNP were defeated: Ahsan Habib Kamal in Barishal, Md Moniruzzaman in Khulna, Mohammad Mosaddek Hossain in Rajshahi, and Salauddin Rimon in Sylhet.
Five years later, on 15 June 2013, elections were held again in these city corporations. All candidates nominated by the BNP and Awami League in 2008 contested again in 2013, although in Sylhet, the BNP nominated Ariful Haque Chowdhury. In the 2013 elections, all BNP-nominated candidates won. Once again, candidates were required to submit seven types of information through affidavits along with their nomination papers.
From the information submitted with the nomination papers, it is evident that all eight mayoral candidates—both winners and losers in the two elections—were businessmen. However, Talukdar Abdul Khalek became a businessman only after being elected; in his 2008 affidavit, he had listed his profession as “currently no business.”
The affidavit data further shows that the incomes of all four outgoing mayors and their dependents increased significantly during their time in office. In Khulna, Talukdar Abdul Khalek and his dependents’ income rose from Tk 3,62,000 to Tk 5,32,66,977, an increase of 14,615 per cent. In Barishal, Shawkat Hossain Hiron and his dependents’ income increased from Tk 5,80,250 to Tk 3,49,11,030, or 5,916 per cent.
In Rajshahi, AHM Khairuzzaman Liton and his dependents’ income rose from Tk 2,44,000 to Tk 57,75,772, or 2,308 per cent. In Sylhet, Badruddin Ahmed Kamran and his dependents’ income rose from Tk 2,10,000 to Tk 15,49,988, or 638 per cent—the relatively lower increase is because his personal income received as ‘honourarium’ was not declared in the affidavit. Overall, the average income of the four mayors and their dependents rose from Tk 3,49,063 to Tk 2,39,00,981, or 6,747 per cent.
On the other hand, among the three main candidates who were defeated in the 2008 elections, two saw an increase in income along with their dependents, while one saw a decrease. In Barishal, Ahsan Habib Kamal’s income increased from Tk 7,08,000 in 2008 to Tk 9,30,000 in 2013, or 31 per cent. In Khulna, Md Moniruzzaman’s income decreased from Tk 8,36,000 to Tk 2,00,000, a drop of 76 per cent. In Rajshahi, Mosaddek Hossain’s income increased from Tk 1,68,000 to Tk 1,92,000, or 14 per cent. Collectively, the income of these three defeated mayoral candidates fell by 23 per cent over five years. This indicates a correlation between election victory and income growth.
Looking at assets, the same trend is observed. The immovable and movable assets of Barishal Mayor Shawkat Hossain Hiron and his dependents increased from Tk 2,08,53,26 to Tk 10,94,39,150, a 5,148 per cent rise over five years. Khulna’s Talukdar Abdul Khalek’s assets rose from Tk 1,85,97,550 to Tk 10,08,41,292, or 442 per cent.
In Rajshahi, Khairuzzaman Liton’s assets grew from Tk 96,75,000 to Tk 1,94,47,198, a 133 per cent increase. Sylhet’s Kamran’s assets rose from Tk 2,14,78,290 to Tk 5,00,62,624, also a 133 per cent increase. The total assets of the four outgoing mayors and their dependents increased from Tk 1,29,59,041 to Tk 6,99,47,566, or 440 per cent. It is worth noting that the outgoing mayors had relatively low liabilities, which contributed to the large increase in their net assets.
The affidavit data shows that among the three main candidates who were defeated in the 2008 elections, the assets of two and their dependents increased, while one saw a decrease. In Barishal, Ahsan Habib Kamal’s assets decreased from Tk 1,04,11,650 in 2008 to Tk 27,73,000 in 2013, a decline of 73 per cent. In Khulna, Moniruzzaman’s assets rose from Tk 16,13,100 to Tk 30,55,537, an increase of 89 per cent.
Rajshahi, Mosaddek Hossain’s assets increased from Tk 1,68,000 to Tk 1,92,000, or 14 per cent. Overall, over five years, the total assets of the mayoral candidates and their dependents who were defeated in 2007 in the three cities—Khulna, Barishal, and Rajshahi—declined by 41 per cent. This indicates that asset growth is closely linked to electoral victory. It is noteworthy that in the 15 June 2013 elections, all outgoing mayors were defeated, while the three candidates who lost in 2008 were elected. Additionally, Ariful Haque Chowdhury won in Sylhet.
Political parties must undertake reforms, particularly ensuring transparency in candidate selection, ending nomination-related trade and undue financial influence
This analysis makes it clear that there is a significant correlation between political power and the accumulation of income and assets, although questions remain regarding the reliability of the information provided by competing candidates. Winning candidates assumed office and this power acted like a “magic wand,” enabling them and their dependents to substantially increase their income and assets. In contrast, the defeated candidates did not benefit similarly. This raises an important question—has our politics, which is meant to serve as a means of public service, increasingly become a profitable business? Does it create opportunities for individuals to acquire personal wealth rather than serve the public?
Furthermore, more recent affidavit data from parliamentary election candidates clearly illustrates the link between power and asset accumulation, which will be discussed in a subsequent article. This underscores the urgent need to establish new frameworks of transparency and accountability for elected representatives.
At the same time, political parties must undertake reforms, particularly ensuring transparency in candidate selection, ending nomination-related trade and undue financial influence. It is also crucial for the Election Commission to revise the affidavit forms provided to candidates and rigorously verify the completeness and reliability of the information submitted. Some changes to the affidavit forms have already been implemented.
* Dr. Badiul Alam Majumdar is secretary of Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik-SHUJAN (Citizens for Good Governance).