The chief advisor Professor Muhammad Yunus' frustration and his contemplating to resign have given rise to all sorts of discussions. It has also spurred on speculations, uncertainty and apathy in the administration. This, in turn, may spark off a crisis.
In the aftermath of the authoritarian government's fall and Sheikh Hasina's flight in the face of mass protests on 5 August, a power vacuum had emerged. In response, an interim government was formed with Professor Yunus as the chief adviser, based on a consensus among political parties, various groups, and the military. The public support and legitimacy of the interim government stemmed from the backing of pro-democracy political parties, students and the masses.
In terms of public support, organisational structure, and operational capacity, BNP is Bangladesh's largest political party at present the moment. The party's acting chairman, Tarique Rahman, expressed explicit support for the interim government during its formation and thereafter, stating clearly that this government must not be allowed to fail.
The interim government has also received support from other political parties. Within civil society too, there was ambition and aspirations in favour of this government formed through the mass uprising. However, it is necessary to analyse the circumstances under which a distance has now developed between the top leadership of this government and BNP and the civil society.
From the very beginning, the BNP has repeatedly called for consensus on urgent reforms and the holding of elections. Over the past eight months, for the first time, the BNP took to the streets, prompted by the government's delay in administering the oath of Ishraq as mayor and also the killing of Chhatra Dal leader Samya. Until now, BNP did not launch any major street movement demanding the announcement of an election date.
It appears that a segment within the interim government had interpreted the BNP's decision to refrain from confrontational politics as a sign of "weakness." However, the interim government should keep in mind that among all political parties, only BNP possesses the organisational strength to launch a nationwide movement. Even in the capital Dhaka, BNP’s public support base and street mobilisation capabilities should not be underestimated.
Apart from a small circle within the government, a few ‘populist’ YouTubers, and individuals who incite mobs, it is clear to everyone that the government’s real base of public support and strength primarily comes from political parties and civil society.
The main political party, BNP, civil society, and recently, the army chief have all strongly emphasised the need for elections to be held in December. In other words, among the political parties, civil society, and the military, whose support was the foundation for the formation of this government, there appears to be a growing consensus in favour of holding elections in December or very soon thereafter.
Beyond this, Jamaat leaders have also said that if not December, the elections should be held at least within the first couple of months of next year. After discussions began about Professor Yunus stepping down, a few senior leaders of the NCP (National Consensus Party) have also recognized the necessity of announcing an election date, as evident from their statements on social media. Given the current situation, it would be prudent to announce a national election date as soon as possible, preferably in December or even earlier, while keeping Professor Yunus in office.
The greatest mistake has been that, throughout this process, the interim government did not feel the need to consult with the political parties, civil society, or the military, the very actors whose consensus had brought this government into being.
It would be quite an exception if the civilian government continues to delay the election, whole the military and the major political parties urge the formation of an elected government through public vote.
Professor Yunus should remember that those who campaigned in his favour with slogans like "five years for Yunus" are the very ones responsible for creating this situation. Prolonging his rule will not enhance his credibility. It will be enhanced by successfully transferring power to an elected government as soon as possible.
In Bangladesh’s history, caretaker governments that conducted fair elections within the shortest possible time are the ones that are lauded. Those who attempted to extend unelected governments lost respect in political, social, and even personal spheres.
We had hoped that this government, formed out of a popular uprising, would begin the proper and fair trial of the July killings, identify the most critical reforms, create political consensus in a short time, and prepare a reform plan, eventually handing over power to an elected government so that those reforms could be implemented through democratic legitimacy.
Instead, we have observed the main culprits behind the July killings fleeing the country, a paralysis in the judicial process, sweeping murder charges being filed, and the significance of justice for the killings being undermined through unnecessary and low-priority arrests.
A form of "mobocracy" emerged, leading to chaos across the country. Shrines were attacked, women were harassed on the streets. Even some student leaders and representatives of the advisory council who emerged from the mass uprising are now widely rumoured to be involved in corruption.
A segment of the interim government had the utopian notion that they could sideline the political parties and single-handedly carry out major structural reforms in the state. We saw interest in grand schemes such as offering unwarranted humanitarian corridors and involving foreign companies in port operations.
The greatest mistake has been that, throughout this process, the interim government did not feel the need to consult with the political parties, civil society, or the military, the very actors whose consensus had brought this government into being. Instead, a national security adviser was appointed. This was an unprecedented step in Bangladesh’s history, since national security and defence matters have always fallen under the purview of the prime minister or the chief adviser.
The responsibility for the situation that has arisen due to the controversial role of the national security adviser and the failure to engage in dialogue with political and military powers lies squarely with the Yunus government. Instead of accusing others of non-cooperation in state affairs, the interim government should learn how to take into account the views of the sources from which it derives its public legitimacy.
Without any further equivocation, the interim government must announce a specific date for elections to be held in December. Student leaders should come down to the ground and engage with reality. Through a fair election, the political party that receives the people's mandate will form the government. The idea that “BNP might gain an absolute majority and therefore must be stopped at any cost” is not a rational thought. Rather, it would be more logical for Jamaat and the NCP to reach out to the people and win as many seats as possible to counter the BNP.
Trying to block the BNP through legal or constitutional loopholes will not yield good outcomes for anyone. Student leaders should align themselves not with “YouTubers” or “mob inciters,” but rather with BNP in a political alliance. That would be the desirable course for political stability and a logical step for the NCP to grow as a political party.
* Dr. Saimum Parvez is Special Assistant on Foreign Affairs to the BNP Chairperson
* The opinions expressed are the author’s own.