The fall of the Hasina government in the face of a mass uprising is not simply a change in power, but a clear reflection of the people's aspirations in changing Bangladesh state system and social structure. This uprising, particularly the rising of the youth, has created a new 'public square' in Bangladesh.
There has been a change in the pattern of civil society too. The fact that newly passing out university graduates or those who are still university students, are having a role in state policy making, are part of the state structure and governance, is an indication of new times and a new settlement. There is need for detailed deliberation and study on how the intellectuality of this new time will be, what role the civil society and the politicians will play in creating people's identity in the public sphere.
It is now clear that Awami League authoritarian politics had lost both public basis and relevance. There have been systematic killings with the help of the state forces, thousands of people have been injured. Awami League's ethical base has been made shaky and fragile by the massacres it unleashed. The party that had played such an extraordinary role in Bangladesh's independence struggle, now must take liability for the indiscriminate killing of the people of its own country. The people demand that those responsible for these killings be placed on trial.
A large part of Bangladesh's civil society's identity has been crafted mostly on the basis of the grand narrative of Bangladesh's liberation war, anti-Pakistan sentiments and the greatness of Sheikh Mujib. The moment that the Awami League government fell, each and every one of its narratives were questioned. In this context it is vital for the intellectuals and others running the state to understand the importance of keeping the liberation war's significance held high, evaluating the contribution of Sheikh Mujib and other leaders in the creation of Bangladesh, and the challenge of building up a new Bangladesh on the basis of pluralism and non-communalism.
Bengali and non-Bengali, believer or non-believer, reformists and each and every citizen have but one identity -- we are Bangladeshi.Tarique Rahman, acting chairman, BNP
In the changed circumstances, 'civic nationalism' has become relevant in politics. Nationalism that is based on the same culture, language or region, is guilty of ethnocentrism. Professor Donald Ipperciel says that ethnic nationalism creates conditions conducive to authoritarian, even autocratic, government system (Constitutional Democracy and Civic Nationalism, 2007).
On the flip side, the nationalism this is based on citizenship dependant on state boundaries, structurally inspires pluralism. After all, in civic nationalism, the conditions of nationality is not having the same language or culture, but brining about belief in political institution, liberal policies and democratic values.
The research works of Ernest Renan (1882), Hans Kohn (1944) and Clifford Geertz (1963) also point to the importance of civic nationalism in the flourishing of effective democracy in the West. In particular, the success of the democratic state system on the lines of the US and France's civic nationalism is recognised in history. Anyone can easily be integrated into such nationalism of legal, principle and institutional basis.
On the other hand, the nationalism created with emphasis on language, culture, past history and heritage often leans towards intolerance. If Bangladesh's basic principles are built up on equality, justice, democracy, pluralism, religious non-communalism and tolerance, then a consensus can be reached at least theoretically from the language, culture and religious divides.
After the fall of the Awami League government, it is the responsibility of BNP, as the largest political party, to bring Bangladesh's politics back on track. Civic nationalism is not a new concept for this party. The concept of nationalism as proposed by the party's founder Ziaur Rahman is theoretically closest to civic nationalism. But the gap between the civil society and BNP must be decreased in order to ensure that this nationalism does not also become authoritarianism.
Over the past one and a half decades BNP had been active against Awami League authoritarianism. However, there remains a certain reservation among the civil society regarding BNP. This hesitancy to cooperate with BNP is about BNP as a party and its leader Tarique Rahman. But in the justice-based new Bangladesh, it is importance to overcome his distance between the two.
Tarique Rahman has contribution to maintaining stability in Bangladesh's new political system. In particular, Tarique Rahman took several astute decisions during the July uprising and the unrest after 5 August. This words and statements bear a stamp of political insight. The matter of pluralism and building up a non-communal Bangladesh cropped up repeatedly in his statements. In a statement of his released by BNP's media cell, he said, "Bengali and non-Bengali, believer or non-believer, reformists and each and every citizen have but one identity -- we are Bangladeshi."
BNP leaders and activists were subject to enforced disappearances, faced thousands of cases. Surely no one made all these sacrifices for another authoritarian and undemocratic rule
After the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government on 5 August, Awami League supporters and members of the minority community came under attack in several places. The reasons behind these attacks were mostly political. Also, certain leaders and activists of BNP indulged in extortion and forced occupation. Tarique Rahman played a laudable role in both these matters. He wasted no time in issuing orders to stand by the minorities.
He also issued show-cause notices and took punitive against his party leaders and activists who violated party discipline. News of support and assistance for those killed and injured in the July uprising appear in the newspapers every day. When a cartoon making fun of Tarique Rahman was published, he praised it and highlighted the importance of press freedom. During Hasina's rule, such cartoonists were jailed, even died in jail. This difference in mindset is conspicuous.
A section of Bangladesh's civil society brought about allegations of Tarique Rahman and BNP patronising militants and corruption. But despite such politicisation of the judiciary and exertion of political pressure, none of these allegations against Tarique Rahman could be proven. On the contrary, the insubstantiality of these cases were further brought to light when the investigating officer became an Awami League leader, won Awami League nomination as MP candidate and when the judge who acquitted him was harassed. The weak allegations of corruption against BNP seem flimsy next to the corruption of the Awami League leaders from top to the ward level involving billions of taka, the looting of banks, the mega corruption in the name of mega projects.
From back in 2016 BNP has been advocating state reforms. The party's 31 points include proposals for a bicameral parliament and for a bar on anyone being prime minister for more than two consecutive terms. In fact, the differences that have cropped up in recent times between BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami is indicative of Ziaur Rahman's return to BNP. Pluralism and non-communalism play a strong role in Zia's concept of civil nationalism. Tarique Rahman's recent words and actions are indications or BNP returning home.
BNP must keep in mind, it was through the sacrifice and blood of thousands of people that Bangladesh has been freed from the grip of authoritarianism and is ready to embark on the path of democracy. Alongside the blood of the students and common people during the July uprising, BNP's long struggle, imprisonments and torture, also are a part of this sacrifice. BNP leaders and activists were subject to enforced disappearances, faced thousands of cases. Surely no one made all these sacrifices for another authoritarian and undemocratic rule.
In the circumstances, there is a noticeable change in attitude of the civil society towards Tarique Rahman and BNP. It is vital for the centrist parties to rise and survive in the interests of establishing stability, equality, justice and non-communalism in Bangladesh. BNP has strong public support and network down to the village level. That is why, the civil society and BNP should work in conjunction and use this support to establish healthy politics and an effective democracy in Bangladesh.
* Dr Saimum Parvez is a teacher of political communications at Germany's DW Academy and Bonn Rhein-Sieg University.