For a Bangladesh free from discrimination, repression and dominance
People of this country have created many stories of indomitable struggle against disparity, repression and dominance at different junctures of history. We had to fight again and again against colonial rule, civil-military dictatorships, ethnic repression and inequality and for rights of language and education, democracy and equality.
The Liberation War of 1971 is the biggest of these struggles.
It was an irresistible fight of people against a marauding Pakistani army. Many politicians, writers, artists, teachers, researchers, journalists, filmmakers and people from different professions played consistent roles in creating consciousness against ethnic repression, insults and regional as well as class disparity in Pakistan state. In continuation of such efforts, the dream of a Bangladesh based on justice came into being before 1971 which powered people to liberate the country.
The liberation war of 1971 created a huge expectation but that dream was not achieved. However, a part of our constitution still holds on to that expectation. These promises made in the constitution were rendered ineffective frequently in a drive to centralise the power of political parties and groups for the last 53 years.
Rather, in addition to keeping inconsistent clauses and laws, through one amendment after another, many types of discriminatory, oppressive and communal provisions have become the main ones in the constitution. On the one hand, it talks about the spirit of the liberation war, equality and justice, but on the other hand, it has marginalised the majority and centralised power, paving the way for broader authoritarianism. Due to the existence of different types of discrimination, the political-economic-social rights of people have been violated repeatedly.
Bangladesh’s economy has seen big expansion in the last five decades. Infrastructural development took place, GDP increased manifold, export-import and remittance have seen notable rise. At the same time class discrimination has also increased. The country has gone into the hands of select few instead of majority. Class-domination has intensified. The share of the bottom 90 per cent in GDP has decreased, and the country's main wealth has been concentrated in the hands of the top 10 per cent, the vast majority of which is still in the hands of the top 1 per cent. Due to their influence, the country’s vast wealth has been looted and siphoned, the country's sovereignty has been violated, and the country has repeatedly been trapped in the cycle of dictatorship. The country's rivers, forests, mountains, and air, that is, its ecosystem, have been destroyed.
Uncertainty, deprivation, and oppression continue in the lives of working people. The country's education and healthcare sectors bear the sign of growing class inequality. Continuous commercialisation of these basic needs has reduced the real income of a large section of the population. Many of them are going bankrupt while seeking treatment or educating their children.
The second problem is gender inequality. This problem is not restricted to male and female but other genders are also important here. This discrimination takes place both in and outside the homes. Discrimination against women in areas such as property and child rights, sports, employment and movement is still very strong and the social and legal system is unfavorable. Women's safe life, movement, education and work rights, respect, and the ability to make independent decisions are among the conditions for a discrimination-free Bangladesh, which have not yet been met.
The third problem is ethnic and linguistic discrimination. So far, the existence of ethnicities other than Bangali and their languages is not constitutionally recognized in Bangladesh. In addition, their land, language, and culture are all under the risk of usurpation. On top of this, there is constant insecurity.
The fourth problem is religious discrimination. Not only people of religious minorities, discrimination and repression also are faced by those who are feeble and dissenters among the majority. Constant fear of weaker people in and outside Islam is an outcome of a discriminatory system.
In the post-independence era, Bangladesh came out of military dictatorship in 1990 through a decade-long struggle. Although the autocratic regime could be toppled in the mass uprising, Bangladesh could not be freed from authoritarian and discriminatory politics. The student-led mass uprising in July-August deposed a heavily corrupted and tyrant ruler that was in power for fifteen years. People from different religions, ethnicity, gender and class partook in that uprising.
During the uprising, aspiration for a discrimination-free Bangladesh, a dream that remained unfulfilled after liberation war, was so poignantly expressed and a strong public opinion has been shaped in favor of a society free of authoritarianism and discrimination. This aspiration has been depicted in graffiti painted on walls by youths. These graffiti has sent a clear message that they won’t support any discrimination based on religious belief so citizens and Bangladesh is a country of multi-ethnicities including Bangalis. They sought a just Bangladesh based on parity among people of all religions, castes and creeds.
In history, people’s struggle has shed blood against autocratic and discriminatory powers on many occasions. The issue of eradication of root of discrimination comes to fore to establish a discrimination-free Bangladesh. For that, it is our duty to stand up against all sorts of discriminatory politics. This call has been reverberated many times, from the liberation war of 1971 to the uprising of 2024.
* Anu Mohammad is an economist and teacher