'I wanted to save the party'

Most political parties boycotted the 7 January election this year. Your party took part in it. Why?

Actually, ever since 2014 Awami League created a group within in our party in an underhand and unlawful manner and used this to blackmail us. If we stood against the government or took any decision on our own accord, that group would be activated. There would be efforts to transfer our party logo and control to that group. As a party, Jatiya Party was the most victimised by the fascism that is being spoken about now. The elections were held at a juncture when it was difficult to keep the two factions of the party together, difficult for the party to survive. We were faced with bodily harm and other threats because of our decisions.

You refer to Awami League's rule as fascism. But it is said that you all functioned as allies or collaborators of fascism.

No, we never worked as their collaborators. We have always been collaborators of the people. We never supported Awami League. Whatever little support it may have seemed that we extended, was under coercion. I was unwilling to take part in the election (of 7 January). But we were told that if you don't join the election, your other group will. In face of such a threat I had to say, okay, but make sure that the election is fair. That is when I had to talk about negotiations.

Even on the last day for submitting nomination papers for the 7 January election, there were last minute negotiations on seat sharing. What happened that day?

There was no bargaining or negotiations on that day. I had decided that day that we would boycott the election. They told me, if you are not satisfied with the understanding, you can withdraw later on. But submit the nomination papers now. I told two of the party leaders it is not a matter of satisfaction or understanding. We will boycott the election.

Who mediated these negotiations?

This was directly with Awami League. After submitting the nomination papers we saw they weren't allowing our candidates to campaign. So on the day before the deadline to withdraw nomination papers on 16 December I decided to move away from the election. I had two leaders to prepare nomination withdrawal applications. I called the press at night to make the announcement. When I was leaving for the Banani office to make the announcement to the press, I saw all agency (intelligence) people had arrived. All the bigwigs of RAB, Special Branch (SB), DGFI, NSI and the police swarmed around me. They told me not to withdraw my nomination. They said they would increase our seats. I said this would be a selection. I will not take part in the election. They say, sir, you will face a lot of problems. When I persisted in my refusal to join the election, they blocked all roads to my Banani office. They were ready to take any measures. Then I said, since you have dragged me down, my politics is over. At least make some concessions so that my party can survive. I mentioned seats for certain leaders in my party, including my wife. I wanted to save the party. It may have been a mistake. I was under tremendous pressure from all sides.

There are allegations that you were bargaining so that your wife could get a seat.

Such allegations are motivated. When I saw that circumstances were forcing us to join the election, I told them to ensure that there would be no 'boat' symbol in the constituencies of my wife and a number of other leaders. They said they would talk to the prime minister and try to ensure this. Obaidul Quader was not on the scene then. They were the ones who were managing this. After some time they said, "Sir, your wife's seat is ensured. We are ensuring a few more." The other allegations are untrue.

You had been vocal against the government. Then in August last year you went on a visit to India. Upon you return, you turned silent. You said you would need India's permission to speak about the visit. Why?

I think that was the biggest blunder I made in my life. After returning, I was not silent at all, I was unwell. There was a lot of stress because of the election and other matters. I was under heavy pressure. In India, persons of various levels had questioned me in detail about the situation in Bangladesh. I make some very harsh observations there. I even told them Bangladesh would one day face such a situation that has just taken place. I said it may not be clear now, but India should be careful about it. I told them whatever I had to tell them. After telling them everything, I was to come to the airport here. I was thinking if I spoke here, I may speak against the government and then the government would catch me and say, why did you say all of that in India. I was very scared. So I spoke diplomatically, as I do in the case of America, Britain and everyone. That was the biggest mistake of my political career. I am sorry for that.

Your explanation indicates pressure or force. But in the two elections before 7 January you were with Awami League.

In the 9th general election we were in alliance with Awami League. That election was credible at home and abroad. Then in 2014 they changed the election system before the polls. Under such circumstances, 270 members of our party, including myself, boycotted the election. Hussain Muhammad Ershad also was unwilling to join that election. He told us all to withdraw our nominations as we were not to participate in a one-sided election. We withdrew. In the meantime, he was picked up and taken to hospital. I went to see him. He told me, "I am not unwell. I was forcefully brought here. They are putting pressure on me to join the election. I will not join the election."

I went home from the hospital and prepared for a press briefing. Then a whole crowd of people came and attacked my house, calling me a Pakistani collaborator. I went to Ruhul Amin Howladar's house and announced that we would not participate in the election. Then a coterie was formed and they joined the election and forced Ershad to join the election too. Ershad later never told me why he joined the election. Later I heard he was threatened with the Manzur killing case and forced to contest in the election. After the election I was offered the position of a technocrat minister. I rejected the offer.

But in the case of joining the previous elections, there was the lure of seat sharing and other offers. There was a matter of financial gain too. That is what has been said. What do you say to that?

Maybe some people were involved in that. That was a section of Jatiya Party, not mainstream Jatiya Party. Look at who is in Jatiya Party now. What wealth do we have? Where did we get the cream and from whom? Even now I struggle to run the party.

You said they managed to blackmail Jatiya Party. So what is the use of having such a party?

Attempts were made to blackmail all parties. It was possible in some cases. Then again, the leaders of many parties were outside of the country and so it wasn't possible to control them. That was the monstrous situation that had been created. We are told that we aided in making Awami League into a monster. We did not create the monster. I was Awami League that was the monster which devoured us.

So who created the monster?

The monster was created by our country's system of governance, by the constitution. The constitution is the main instrument in this country that transforms rulers into monsters because the constitution's absolute power is in the hands of a single individual.

Some are now talking about amending the constitution, some are talking about revising it. What do you want?

I want an amendment of the constitution. If this constitution remains as it is, the same monster will be created again, the same fascism will arise.

Raushan Ershad was utilised to keep Jatiya Party divided. Sheikh Hasina supported her. Where do things stand now?

Now there is no such thing as Raushan Ershad, nor does she have any party.

All these days you all were with Awami League. Now which direction will you take?

Jatiya Party was never with Awami League. We were under force, and so for the survival of the party and for the chance to work for the people, we were obliged to be with Awami League.  We were always with the people. A major section of Jatiya Party did not join the 2014 election, not did BNP. Later BNP took part in the local government polls. So wasn't that a recognition of this election system and the government? In 2018, they were in the parliament for around four years. Weren't they in that parliament, accepting that government? Was it just Jatiya Party alone? From 2018 till 2024, did we not speak against the government?

What future do you foresee for Awami League?

I see a big problem ahead for Awami League, a problem created by Sheikh Hasina. She did not determine any successor to lead the party after her. Even now she isn't doing so. No matter how big a party Awami League may be, there is no possibility of it turning around until it has a leadership and everyone's confidence in that leadership. In my personal opinion, given the situation she has reached, it is impossible for Sheikh Hasina to lead and organise the party. Had she done this from within the country, there may have been a possibility. The common people have no confidence in her. Awami League will have voters in the coming days, but I doubt if it will be able to play any role as an organisation.

There is talk of a new political party ahead. What is your view about this?

My view is that if they want to create a new political party, that is fine. I would like them to be successful. But there are many challenges regarding a new party.

Thank you for your time.

Thank you too.