What kind of parliament we got

The total number of voters in the 12th national polls held on 7 January was 119,616,633. There were some 42,024 polling centres across the country. Some 28 registered political parties of the country took part in the polls while the BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) and 15 other registered parties boycotted it, demanding elections under a non-partisan government.

A total of 1,963 candidates contested the polls. The ruling Awami League compromised 32 seats for its allies – Jatiya Party (JaPa), Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (Jashod), Workers Party and Jatiya Party (JP). 

The Awami League allowed its leaders to contest the polls independently ignoring the section 47 (tha) of the party constitution, which reads if anybody contests the polls going against the party nominated candidates, then he or she will be directly expelled from the party.

According to the Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik (SHUJAN), a total of 317 independent candidates took part in the polls. It was mainly those who appeared as the rival for the AL-nominated candidates. Despite being the members of the ruling party or its allies, many of the defeated candidates made allegations of vote rigging.

Besides, the speed of increase in wealth and net wealth of those in power is notable. For example, the amount of wealth of 125 candidates won in 2024 increased by 125 per cent than in 2014, while the net wealth increased by 338 per cent.

Despite the absence of the BNP and its allies in the electoral field, at least 15 people were killed in polls violence across the country since the declaration of election schedule. Besides, more than 2,200 people were injured in polls-related clashes.

The Awami League got 224 seats in the parliament, Jatiya Party got 11 seats, Jashod got 1, Workers Party got 1 and the Bangladesh Kalyan Party got 1 seat in the 12th national polls. Apart from that, independent candidates won the polls from 62 constituencies.

Of them, 59 are affiliated with the Awami League. Some of them are members of the 11th parliament. These so-called king’s parties were shamefully defeated in the polls.

Meanwhile, the number of female candidates in the 12th general election was 101. Besides, 2 transgender candidates contested the polls. Of them, 20 candidates came out as winners, including 16 AL-nominated candidates and 4 independent candidates.

Apart from that, 81 candidates from the religious and ethnic minority communities took part in the polls. Of them, 14 candidates won the election. Of them, 12 are AL-nominated candidates and two independent candidates.

Although the election commission claimed a voter turnout of 41.8 per cent, the reality was different, according to several analysts. The ruling party was claiming ahead of the polls that the acceptability and credibility of an election depends on voter turnout.

As a result, the election turned into a sort of ‘referendum’. However, the ruling party didn’t pass this ‘referendum’ despite putting in all the effort due to the low voter turnout.

Analysing the affidavits and tax-related information of the winning candidates, it has been learnt that some 82.66 per cent of lawmakers of the new parliament have completed graduation or post-graduation. It means the voters chose the educated candidates more than others, which is definitely a positive sign.

Also Read

The number of candidates who earn less than Tk 500,000 annually is only 15 (5.01). Besides, some 111 of the newly elected MPs earn more than Tk 10 million annually. That means the ratio of high income people is quite higher than the number of low income MPs in the new parliament.

Of the elected MPs, 270 (90 per cent) have wealth equivalent to over Tk 10 million while only nine MPs (3 per cent) have wealth less than Tk 2.5 million. This suggests that the wealthier candidates have won the election.

Besides, the speed of increase in wealth and net wealth of those in power is notable. For example, the amount of wealth of 125 candidates won in 2024 increased by 125 per cent than in 2014, while the net wealth increased by 338 per cent.

It can be mentioned here that in 2008, the average income of AL candidates was just over Tk 1.98 million while the BNP candidates' average income was over Tk 3.25 million.

Besides, the information given in the candidates' affidavits does not paint the real scenario because, for wealth, purchase prices are shown instead of market prices whereas concealing information on wealth and income is universally known. Yet, providing false information or concealing information on affidavits is a punishable offence under section 181 of the Penal Code 1860.

The scenario reversed in 2018, where the average income of the candidates of governing Awami League was over Tk 14.1 million and the BNP candidates' average income was Tk 5.4 million. So it is clear that economic gain is linked to state power.

The majority of the newly-elected lawmakers (66.67 per cent or 200) are businesspeople. The representation of businesspeople in parliament was only 4 per cent in 1954, which increased to 18 per cent in 1973, 24 per cent in 1979, 43 per cent in 1996, 58 per cent in 2001, 52 per cent in 2008, 62 per cent in 2014 and 65.33 per cent in 2018, and that is a reflection of a gradual depoliticisation.

Also Read

Extreme conflict of interest arises because of such commercialisation of politics and the state is mainly run to serve the interest of businesspeople.

Besides, the information given in the candidates' affidavits does not paint the real scenario because, for wealth, purchase prices are shown instead of market prices whereas concealing information on wealth and income is universally known. Yet, providing false information or concealing information on affidavits is a punishable offence under section 181 of the Penal Code 1860.

Only 135 of the newly-elected lawmakers have loans and liabilities while 77 per cent (231) are taxpayers, which increased by 13.92 per cent from the previous parliament. However, 75 candidates (25 per cent) provided income tax submission receipts or tax acknowledgement receipts instead of giving income tax details.

Yet, as per section 44AA of the Representation of the People Order, at the time of submitting the nomination paper, every contesting candidate shall submit a copy of the income-tax return last submitted by him/her. So, the nomination papers of the candidates who did not submit income tax details should have been revoked, and if it does not happen it will be a big failure of the election commission.

Lastly, the 12th parliamentary election cannot be called a democratic election since it was boycotted by most of the political parties and not inclusive. The rule of the people has not been established because of low voter turnout. As a result, political stability may fall into risk. Besides, the structure of ‘parallel’ accountability of the government collapsed due to the absence of a real opposition in this parliament. As a result, through the establishment of transparency and accountability, the government's move to prevent corruption and criminalisation and to establish good governance may be blocked. Amid this circumstance, we are concerned over the fall of Bangladesh in corruption index recently published by Transparency International.

Besides, the credibility of the 12th parliamentary election remains under question because the polls were held unilaterally, which the chief election commissioner himself admitted. Amid this circumstance, it is necessary to create an atmosphere of talks with political opponents, as well as take the initiative to reach a negotiation through this for the sake of the country and the democracy.

*Badiul Alam Mazumdar is secretary of Shushasoner Jonno Nagorik's (SHUJAN)