In the last two days, we have witnessed several similar incidents in the heart of the capital. Last Friday, at midnight, a healthcare centre named ‘Radda MCH-FP Centre’ in Mirpur-1 was demolished. Over two hundred masked individuals, armed with local weapons, entered, held two security guards hostage, looted goods, and demolished the entire structure with heavy machinery. Yet, a government-initiated measles-rubella vaccination programme was supposed to start there. (Prothom Alo, 26 September 2026)
The next day, Saturday, allegations arose of attack, vandalism, and land grabbing in the area adjacent to Satmasjid Housing near the Mohammadpur embankment beside the Gabtoli-Sadarghat Bypass Road. (Manabzamin, 27 September 2026)
On the same day, members of the Jubo Dal encircled the central office of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) at the GPO intersection in Gulistan, the capital, during a meeting. Subsequently, the police detained around 300 leaders and workers of JSD from there. The police claimed they were detained for shouting slogans of ‘Joy Bangla’ inside the office.
On the same night, the studio of content creator Salman Muqtadir at New Gini Properties, ECB Square, was also attacked and vandalised. In a video message showing the aftermath, Salman said, "Our studio has been completely destroyed."
Within just two days, a clear and common pattern is emerging among these four incidents of vandalism and land grabbing. In each case, organised groups are seen coming to launch attacks, committing vandalism, surrounding buildings, or attempting to occupy land by demolishing structures. So far, hints of involvement from those in power are being found in each of these four incidents.
In the case of the healthcare centre occupation in Mirpur, the involvement of supporters of BNP leader Ferdousi Ahmed for the reserved women’s seat due to internal conflict within two factions of BNP has already been made public in the media. The same applies to the incident in Mohammadpur; a victim in the Manabzamin report said, "Among the assailants were leaders and activists of the Chhatra Dal, Jubo Dal, and the main party involved in local politics. We recognise many but are afraid to name them. " (Manabzamin, 27 September 2026)
Similarly, in the JSD office incident, the presence of Jubo Dal leaders and activists is clear in the video—even a leader of the Jubo Dal was seen entering the JSD office and chanting slogans. On the other hand, in the incident of Salman Muqtadir’s studio vandalism, disputes over land and the involvement of locally influential political circles have also emerged in the media.
In each case, the role of the police was quite intriguing. The incidents in Mirpur and Mohammadpur happened right in front of the police, yet they were entirely passive onlookers. However, in the JSD office incident, the police were seen to be very ‘active’. They went according to the words of Jubo Dal leaders and activists and instead detained the leaders and workers of JSD.
In other words, both police activity and passivity seem to favour those in power. Where ruling party men were involved in attack and vandalism, the police remained inactive and gave them a chance; and where identifying ‘Awami League’s accomplices’ found political elements, they exhibited ‘remarkable’ activism in arresting several hundred people. Notably, in Salman’s incident, there were even counter-chase incidents between the police and the attackers.
How should we view these four incidents? Specifically, this is evidence of a severe deterioration of law and order. Citizens and political arenas have been expressing concern over the deterioration of law and order for consecutive brutal killings over the past few months.
Statistical data also shows an increase in various types of crimes. (Prothom Alo, 19 August 2026) But where incidents like this are happening right in front of the police, merely labeling it as a deterioration of law and order will not help understand these incidents. These four incidents are actually highlighting another trend—the tendency for land grabbing.
Some may argue that the government has no approval for these incidents; rather, these ‘undesirable’ incidents are happening due to weakened party discipline of the BNP. However, there can be no logical reason for such a breakdown of party discipline just six months after coming to power with significant organisational power and winning the election by a wide margin.
Besides, the involvement of an MP’s supporters in the Mirpur incident and the direct presence of Jubo Dal leaders in the JSD office incident proves that this is in no way a result of lax party discipline.
Again, some may argue that within just six months, some ‘group’ is doing these to corner and weaken the government. For instance, a BNP MP has already suggested that an investigation should be conducted to check if there is any ‘indirect instigation’ by Jamaat or Awami League behind this incident. However, instead of just the ‘undesirable incident’ or ‘the government does not want this’ type of casual response, the overall role of the state and administration genuinely encourages identifying these incidents as parts of a well-planned ‘land grabbing’.
Let's consider the overall government response to these four incidents. As the Mirpur incident was at a healthcare centre, there was a somewhat ‘stern’ statement from the government, yet only the news of the arrest of four people has been found. Among them, three are floating individuals from the Shah Ali Mazar area, who mostly participated in the vandalism for money.
As the presence of ‘Awami accomplices’ was shown in the JSD office incident, instead of any dissatisfaction from the government, a sort of political enthusiasm became evident. There has been no discussion at all about how unjust it is to unlawfully besiege offices in this manner or for the police to carry out mass arrests.
During the incident on the Mohammadpur embankment, the police didn’t arrive; even after calling, there were complaints that no one answered. News of the arrest of just three people has been found in the incident of attack on Salman Muqtadir’s studio.
It appears that no matter how many ‘stern’ messages or warnings are issued, we are not seeing any practical enforcement from the government. Instead, these four incidents indicate that a new and dangerous form of ‘land grabbing’ is coming to the fore in society. Regardless of the reasons—land disputes or extortion—one to two hundred people can easily gather together to commit vandalism, looting, and even level structures to occupy land.
This is only possible when such an organised political ‘mob’ is 100 per cent assured that they won’t face any harsh punishment or significant legal trouble. Clearly, the precise patronage of influential political ‘hands’ above is encouraging these incidents to happen consecutively.
Therefore, it would be a mistake to see these four incidents merely as a deterioration of law and order; rather, a dangerous tendency of reckless land grabbing in a new guise has become evident here. Its reactions in society and politics are bound to be dire. Uncertainty and insecurity have already started brewing in the minds of citizens.
However, such deterioration of law and order in political equations often creates an opportunity for those in power. Past experience says that on the pretext of the situation, justifications are created for enacting stricter and repressive laws that infringe on civil rights. In the past, we have seen numerous measures taken in the name of ‘strictness’ in maintaining law and order that directly paved the way for violating fundamental human rights.
Socially, such a situation is giving rise to intense frustration and anger in the minds of citizens, which is already evident. At the Radda centre in Mirpur, children were supposed to receive measles vaccinations. Yet, after the centre was demolished, health workers were forced to vaccinate children under a tarpaulin beside the road the next day. A mother, standing under the open sky with her three-month-old baby girl, was saying with frustration, "I’m not feeling good. We’re standing outside. The baby is suffering. She’s feeling hot and crying."
This scenario where citizens have to accept or are forced to accept the situation as ‘normal in Bangladesh’ is not a happy sight for the state of Bangladesh. In the vast movements, limitless struggles, and countless sacrifices we made with the dream of restructuring the state, with hopes for Bangladesh’s democratic transformation, if such mobocracy and land grabbing become ‘normal, ’ then the existence of the state itself comes under threat. Six months into coming into power, it is now up to them to prove whether we should see these incidents as isolated or if we must accept this as ‘normal'.
On the other hand, standing in front of his ruined studio, Salman Muqtadir was heard saying in a sarcastic tone, ". . . this video is made especially for our Home Minister Salauddin Ahmed. You please don't take any tension, this is normal in Bangladesh. That's why I am smiling."
This scenario where citizens have to accept or are forced to accept the situation as ‘normal in Bangladesh’ is not a happy sight for the state of Bangladesh. In the vast movements, limitless struggles, and countless sacrifices we made with the dream of restructuring the state, with hopes for Bangladesh’s democratic transformation, if such mobocracy and land grabbing become ‘normal, ’ then the existence of the state itself comes under threat. Six months into coming into power, it is now up to them to prove whether we should see these incidents as isolated or if we must accept this as ‘normal'.
#Sohul Ahmed is a writer and researcher
*The opinions expressed here are the author’s own.
#This article, originally published in Prothom Alo online edition, has been rewritten in English by Rabiul Islam