There is always the risk of a counter-revolution after a revolution. The question is, did a revolution take place on 5 August in Bangladesh? Many refer to the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government as the August Revolution. But the changes that take place in a government and state after a revolution, did not take place. In that sense, it is difficult to dub this change as a 'revolution'. Also, the government that took over after the fall of Sheikh Hasina is not a 'revolutionary government'. This change gained more currency as a student-people's uprising.
This mass uprising not only removed a fascist government from power, it also brought to fore the many aspirations of the people. It can be said that 'state reforms' have now become the overarching demand. Even if we do not term this as a 'revolution', this uprising certainly contains many revolutionary aspirations. No matter whether it was a revolution or a mass uprising that took place on 5 August, we definitely can term any attempt to foil the changes as a 'counter-revolution'.
Now the question is, who can possibly carry out a counter revolution? First of all, the fallen political power. Outside of that, there can be forces who may seek to take advantage of the uncontrolled post-revolution circumstances. They may create disorder over political and other issues, paving their way to power. It looks like Bangladesh, after the mass-uprising, faces risks from two sides. The events unfolding over the past few days adds conviction to this view.
The student-people's movement won success in exchange of innumerable lives. Thousands of wounded persons are still in the grips of trauma. Such a movement and mass-uprising also gives rise to many expectations. Expectations for speedy results also mount. It is a tough task to tackle circumstances following such a bloody mass-uprising. And this has been exacerbated by heightened hopes and expectations for quick results. It is only natural for a sense of frustration to emerge in such a situation.
Dr Yunus' interim government is possibly going through such a time. The fallen powers use the post-revolution situation as an opportunity. This is fertile time for counter-revolution.
A crack has appeared in the unity that is required among the political parties and forces to resist the risk of counter-revolution after the mass uprising. Or it could be that a particular group is attempting to instigate rifts to create grounds for counter-revolution
On 16 October Manabzamin published a report, 'Is the government facing a counter-revolution?' The newspaper's chief editor Matiur Rahman Chowdhury wrote the report based on discussions with the chief advisor of the interim government, Dr Muhammad Yunus.
He had asked Dr Yunus whether the government faced any threat of a 'counter-revolution'. Dr Yunus replied, "This is nothing new. We are all aware of this and are seeing it. There are various efforts to weaken the government. We have kept our eyes and ears open and are taking whatever measures need to be taken." So is a counter-revolution inevitable after a revolution? Yunus responded, "That's what history says. There are certain flaws, for sure."
A quote of American social scientist C Wright Mills on revolutions and counter-revolutions may be appropriate here. He said, "Every revolution has its counterrevolution -- that is a sign the revolution is for real. And every revolution must defend itself against counterrevolution, or the revolution will fail." So now when we hear of the threat of counter-revolution after 5 August, we can understand that a big change has certainly taken place and this change was essential.
Bangladesh is now going through the phase of a counter-revolution risk in the period after the 5 August change. But now added to this danger is the post-mass uprising or post-revolution anxiety and unrest. It looks like the situation has taken on serious proportions. The 5 August change did not take place with any specific political agenda at the fore. At one point of time, parties of various political ideology and people of all walks of life, joined in the anti-discrimination movement of the students in order to be freed of the autocratic rule.
With that objective being achieved, the political parties and forces are turning to their own objectives. They have their strategies, views, ways and means. That is only natural. However, a crack has appeared in the unity that is required among the political parties and forces to resist the risk of counter-revolution after the mass uprising. Or it could be that a particular group is attempting to instigate rifts to create grounds for counter-revolution.
Questions are now arising, or are being provoked, over issues such as whether to keep the Awami League-time president or remove him from office, whether to remain within the constitution or not, whether the formation of the interim government was correct or erroneous. That is why the elements that supported the mass uprising -- political parties, student leadership, intellectuals, thinkers, influencers and YouTubers and the common people -- are now confused and divided.
The law advisor is even having to respond to the contention that it was a mistake to follow the constitutional path after the 5 August mass movement, "If following the constitutional path was a mistake, then it was the mistake of everyone in the movement." He said, "No one had raised the question then as to why we will take oath and follow the constitution, no one said let us form a revolutionary government." It is essential to look forward after a successful mass movement, but itself fault-fining nit-picking debate have been sparked off.
The Students against Discrimination movement suddenly raised a five-point demand on 22 October and gave the government a deadline. Yet they are a part of this government, albeit unofficially. One of their demands has been met, that is, banning Chhatra League. Their demand to remove the president from office has now stirred a hornet's nest in the political arena. BNP has made it clear they are against any such move and so the government is now discussing the matter with the political parties.
Another significant demand of the students is for a Proclamation of Republic in the spirit of the uprising and the July revolution. This is an ambiguous demand. The use of the term 'July revolution' is significant. Meanwhile, three leaders of the Students against Discrimination movement filed two writs with the court and later withdrew these. These are all signs of unrest.
Two and a half months after the mass uprising, old questions are being raked up anew. Why did the students suddenly take up a hard stand? What is the reasons behind this unrest? These questions are making the rounds.
All big changes or revolutions that have been successful in history, have had to stand up to the pressures of counter revolution. There is precedence of extended time needed to tackle the waves of counter revolution. The American Marxist historian Herbet Aptheker feels counter revolution is revengeful and goes against the interests of the majority.
And it is always conspiratorial. Any effort to overturn the 5 August student-people's uprising or change is bound to be both conspiratorial and vengeful. And it will certainly go against the hopes and aspirations of the people.
All political and non-political forces in favour of the mass uprising, as well as the public, must keep this in mind. The student community, various political parties and the armed forces -- these three sides that ensured the success of the mass uprising, along with the interim government, must remain united on certain basic issue and remain on the same path. And rifts or divisions among these four sides will simply serve to increase the threat. The fallen fascist political force or any other evil quarter may take advantage of such a situation.
* AKM Zakaria is deputy editor of Prothom Alo and can be reached at [email protected]
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir