Professor Yunus to stay on, how far has the crisis cleared?

Professor Muhammad Yunus is not resigning, that is clear for now. No one had called for his resignation. He had wanted to relinquish his duties out of anger and frustration. He was frustrated at the non-cooperation from various quarters in running the government. That is how the matter was reported in the media.

After the mass uprising, all political and non-political forces in the country unanimously entrusted Professor Yunus with the responsibility of running the country. However, if he cannot work independently or faces non-cooperation, then it is quite natural for him to ponder on resignation.

There is a sense of relief that he has stepped back from that decision. His resignation would certainly have intensified the prevailing uncertainty. But the question remains: how far has the crisis actually cleared?

The reasons behind the sudden escalation of the crisis are nothing new. For instance, there is the mobilisation of mobs over various issues, the vandalism and chaos, and the regular road blockades in the name of political or non-political demands. The government has failed to manage these situations.

Public frustration over the ongoing mob culture has reached its peak. Added to this is Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s (BNP) persistent pressure regarding a specific election date and the government’s indifference on the matter, all this serving to widen the gap between the two sides.

The latest development is the BNP’s attempt to demonstrate its political strength over the issue of Ishraque’s mayoral position. This had led to a direct confrontation between the BNP and National Citizen Party (NCP). Both sides are demanding the resignation of several advisors.

At the same time, confusion over whether or not to allow a humanitarian corridor to Myanmar and the negative stance of political parties regarding involving a foreign entity in the management of Chattogram Port has further heated up the political atmosphere.

Amid this situation, the media published the speech of the army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman delivered at the Officers’ Address in Dhaka Cantonment. In the speech, the army chief clarified his stance on the election, the corridor, and the port, which clearly revealed a difference in position between him and the government.

Against this backdrop of various developments, discussions emerged on Thursday night about Professor Muhammad Yunus’ possible resignation. Much of the speculation was laid to rest on Saturday through a statement issued by the advisory council of the interim government following an unscheduled meeting. From this, we understand that Professor Yunus is not stepping down.

According to the statement, the advisory council meeting discussed three main tasks -- reforms, trials and the election. They discussed in detail the "various unjustified demands, motivated and unwarranted statements and programmes that were hampering the work environment and creating apprehensions and suspicions in the public mind."

The statement went on to say that if it was made impossible for the government to discharge its duties due to provocation by the defeated forces and as part of a foreign conspiracy, then the government will present all the reasons before the public and take its next decision accordingly.

Taking this statement into consideration, we can understand that the interim government has likely decided to adopt a firm stance and confront the current situation with strict measures. But is firmness or strictness enough? Or will the interim government also take steps to resolve the disagreements and divisions that have emerged among the various parties involved in the mass uprising? Will it also remain cautious to avoid any conflict with those who have supported it?

The student community led the mass uprising. And the political party that suffered the most repression and persecution during the past 15 years of autocratic rule is BNP. Despite extreme adversity, they continued their movement against the government. The contributions of either of these two sides cannot be downplayed. It was only through their efforts, along with the involvement of other political forces and the people, that the fall of the autocracy became possible.

Can the role of the armed forces in the mass uprising and the fall of Sheikh Hasina on 5 August be denied either? The interim government was formed on 8 August. In whose hands was the country in those few days in between? Were the troops not on ground with the students and the masses? Even now the armed forces are playing a vital role in maintaining law and order. They have been given magistracy powers. So it is most unfortunate when talk arises about a distance between the armed forces and interim government.

As I said, it is a relief that Professor Muhammad Yunus is staying on. But it does not bode well for the future of the country or democracy at all if conflict emerges among the sides involved in the mass uprising, or of a distance grows between any of these sides and the interim government, or if there is any such sort of misunderstanding.

Over the past two days, most of the country’s political parties have met with Professor Yunus, expressing both their confidence in the current interim government and sharing various suggestions and demands. But is there any indication that the crisis has been fully resolved? No, there is no reason to believe so. There is no sign that either the political parties or the government have shifted from their respective positions. Dr. Yunus has basically listened to the political parties’ statements.

However, his press secretary said, "During the meeting with the political parties, the chief advisor said that the country was in a war-like situation. After the party was banned, Awami League has been going all out to render the country unstable. Consensus was essential to avoid divisions."

Professor Yunus felt this crisis was "war-like" and that "consensus" was required to overcome it. It is the government who must play the lead role achieving this. It is the main task of the interim government to close the gap between the forces of the mass uprising. They must also close the gap between themselves and all other quarters. Stern or strict stances will not be the answer.

According to the press secretary, we learned that Professor Yunus stated he will not stay even a single day beyond 30 June 2026. If that is the case, then the interim government should keep this timeframe in mind and promptly present a roadmap for the election and the necessary reforms.

The interim government has undertaken various reform initiatives in running the state. Some of these may be visible now, while many of the benefits may be visible in the future. Some of the advisors are taking exemplary initiatives in running the government. There are also efforts by many to reduce government expenditure. In several areas, they are achieving success. Moreover, there are hardly any allegations of corruption against the government’s advisors. These are the positive aspects of the interim government.

At the same time, however, the failure of some advisors to properly carry out their responsibilities and the controversial roles of certain individuals, have also come under discussion. This is affecting the overall competence and image of the government. Will Dr. Yunus take the initiative to restructure the advisory council based on an assessment of the advisors’ performance and roles?

Such an initiative would not be seen as a weakness of the interim government. It would reflect its willingness to improve. Effective reshuffling within the advisory council could also help ease the political crisis.

The deterioration of law and order has created a sense of insecurity among the public. People have yet to be freed from bribery and corruption. Meanwhile, protests in the secretariat, a paralysed NBR, and a locked Nagar Bhaban paint a grim picture of the current state of the country. The interim government surely understands that unless it gains the full confidence of all forces behind the mass uprising, it will be difficult to manage the situation.

* AKM Zakaria is deputy editor of Prothom Alo.