Khaleda Zia’s return to the country and “destiny’s child” Tarique Rahman

After undergoing four months medical treatment abroad, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia returned home last Tuesday. Large crowds of supporters thronged the airport to meet her, chanting slogans welcoming her back to the country and expressing their allegiance to her. There were flowers, banners and placards all over.

When Khaleda Zia traveled to London in January, her party leaders and activists were anxious about how long her treatment would take and when she would return. Her physicians and party men say she is much better now. She walked into her house on her own without any one aiding her.
Khaleda Zia's health has certainly boosted the morale of the party leaders and activists. She has been away from active politics since her conviction in the Zia Orphanage Trust case in February 2018, but party leaders and activists still place their trust in her the most and consider her a symbol of unity.

While the Awami League government suspended Khaleda Zia's sentence through an executive order in 2020, they did not allow her to abroad for better medical treatment. She was, in effect, under house arrest. BNP's applications for her bail were rejected, even though others convicted in similar cases, like HM Ershad, Mofazzal Hossain Chowdhury, and Nazmul Huda, were granted bail. Even Haji Selim was allowed to travel abroad for treatment while in custody.

Khaleda Zia was given no such opportunity. This was a reflection of the government's 'munificence' towards the former prime minister and an elderly woman.

BNP leaders and activists have been on the streets for the past 17 years. But their presence on the streets last Tuesday had a different vibe. They waited for hours along the roadside just to catch a glimpse of their leader. Khaleda Zia waved at them, acknowledging their greetings.

Party leaders are eager to see her active in politics again. BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said, "Khaleda Zia's return will make the path to democratic transition easier." Standing committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said, "She is already active in politics. We would always receive directives from her." When asked if Khaleda Zia would participate in elections, he responded diplomatically, "That is to be seen. Let the elections be announced."

It is when a politician is out of power that their actual true popularity can be assessed. While in power, the state media and party leaders are busy fawning all over them, and showering them with praise. The leaders too resort to various strategies to forcefully garner respect from supporters. However, once out of power, such popularity bubble simply bursts.
That hasn't been the case for Khaleda Zia. She has been out of power for 17 years, spending nearly six years in confinement, but her popularity hasn't waned. There are many individuals who do not support BNP politics or ideology, but they still respect her as a politician. She has earned this through well-mannered behaviour and courteous speech. In our political culture of extreme verbosity, being taciturn can be a significant virtue.

Khaleda Zia took over leadership of BNP in the early 1980s when many senior leaders of the party had joined hands with military ruler Ershad. She reorganised, using her personal charisma and support of young activists. By not participating in any elections under Ershad, she earned a reputation for being uncompromising. In the 1991 elections, defying many political pundits' predictions, BNP emerged victorious, largely due to Khaleda Zia's leadership. Many leaders become burdens to their parties. Others use their image to take their parties ahead. Khaleda Zia is of the latter ilk.

Many BNP leaders and activists had said hoped that Khaleda Zia and the party's acting chairman, Tarique Rahman, would return to the country together. However, Tarique Rahman did not accompany her. Instead, his wife, Zubaida Rahman, returned. Is this a part of BNP's political strategy or are there any other constraints?

Several BNP leaders during informal discussions had said Tarique Rahman could return to the country at any time. Even though he hasn't returned, since 2018 he has been organising the party as acting chairman, holding regular meetings with leaders and activists, and providing directives. Nonetheless, the physical absence of the party's two top leaders has led to a disruption of discipline among the activists, resulting in frequent infighting in various areas.

When asked about this, BNP leaders often respond with their readymade answers: "BNP is a large party with millions of activists. The leadership does not condone such behavior. If anyone engages in infighting or extortion, the party takes action." Similar statements were made by Awami League leaders while in power. This led to the downfall of both the party and the government.

Khaleda Zia's return has instilled hope among BNP leaders and activists. At the same time they question when Tarique Rahman will return. He is the one running the party. What hampers his return? The foreign press is writing about him too. Recently The Week featured Tarique Rahman on its cover, dubbing him "Destiny's Child." The article, written by the magazine's New Delhi bureau chief, Namrata Biji Ahuja, explains the background of Tarique Rahman's entry into politics. It states that when the Awami League government attempted to break BNP, he was the one who unified the party. A political analyst quoted in The Week said that Tarique Rahman is on the right track to be the next prime minister of Bangladesh, as his popularity is increasing steadily.

At the moment there is no strong rival to BNP or Tarique Rahman in Bangladesh's politics. This is fortunate for BNP on one hand, but poses as a risk too. Bangladesh's history shows that politics without competition does not bode well for any party.

In the past, both BNP and Awami League have held absolute power multiple times, pushing their parties and the country both towards anarchy. The analyst poses the question, will the 'future prime minister' Tarique Rahman create a new political construct or will he repeat the mistakes of his predecessors?

* Sohrab Hassan is joint editor of Prothom Alo and a poet  
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir
(The views expressed in this column are the writer's own)