Govt faces public trust test within just two and a half months

Within just over two and half months, the BNP government had to face several uncomfortable questions at once—implementation of reform promises, controversies over some key appointments, control of law and order, the energy situation, and mounting economic pressure. For a government that came to power with an absolute majority after the July mass uprising, maintaining public trust has thus become a major early test.

BNP leaders and individuals associated with the government say Prime Minister Tarique Rahman is sincere about implementing election pledges and the July national charter. Shortly after assuming office, he launched programmes such as family cards, farmer cards, health cards, planting 250 million trees nationwide, and excavating 20,000 kilometres of canals. These had been major commitments to marginalised communities before the election. However, questions remain as to whether these programmes are progressing at the expected pace at the field level after their launch.

Many political observers believe that although the prime minister’s personal sincerity and modest lifestyle are noticeable, these have not yet been reflected across the government, administration, and field levels. Rather, hesitation over reforms, controversies surrounding some appointments, and weak communication in addressing public crises are raising questions in people’s minds.

Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, the prime minister’s political and industrial affairs adviser, acknowledged the issue. He told Prothom Alo that the administration and bureaucracy consist of people with diverse ideologies and mindsets. Due to prolonged politicisation, obstacles are emerging in implementing the elected government’s plans.

However, Professor Mahbub Ullah considers the government’s steps to implement welfare programmes such as farmer and family cards as positive. He told Prothom Alo that after making election promises, the government needs to demonstrate its sincerity in fulfilling them. Promises are often made in our country but not implemented in reality. From that perspective, the government certainly deserves thanks and appreciation. However, it must also clearly explain urgent crises to the public. Some pressing problems, including in the energy sector, have already emerged. Taking effective steps and being transparent with the public will increase trust in the government.

Meanwhile, questions have arisen over several key appointments. Controversies have emerged around the leadership of the Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB) and the appointment of the governor of Bangladesh Bank. Similarly, criticism is growing over the appointment of Vice Chancellors in various public universities on partisan considerations and the placement of party leaders as administrators in city corporations. These decisions are not sending positive signals to the public; rather, they are creating doubts about the government’s neutrality.

After the fall of the Awami League government in the 2024 mass uprising, political parties brought fundamental reforms of the state, including the constitution, to the forefront of their agenda. BNP had also agreed on important reforms related to public interest. However, hesitation over institutional reforms has now become evident.

The government has repealed several ordinances related to the National Human Rights Commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), and the judiciary. Critics say that instead of making these institutions fully independent, attempts are being made to amend them while retaining executive influence. This has raised questions about the balance of power and the sincerity of reform commitments.

One of the key emotional drivers of the mass uprising was the anguish of families of victims of enforced disappearance. At the outset of forming the government, there had been a pledge to bring those involved in such incidents to justice. However, the ordinance on preventing enforced disappearances was not approved by parliament within the stipulated time. As a result, concerns have emerged that instead of forming an independent and neutral judicial commission to investigate disappearances, the issue will continue to be handled through the old bureaucratic system.

However, two government ministers—the home minister and the law minister—said at a press conference on 12 April that the 16 ordinances that were not approved in parliament within the stipulated time—including those on Supreme Court judge appointments, establishment of a separate secretariat, prevention of enforced disappearances, a police commission, and amendments to the Anti-Corruption Commission—would be reviewed further and discussed with stakeholders before being reintroduced in parliament as new bills. However, no specific timeline has been provided for when these bills will be brought.

On this issue, Professor Mahbub Ullah told Prothom Alo that several important ordinances have raised questions among the public. There are concerns about judicial independence, the effectiveness of the human rights commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission, and the process of forming various constitutional institutions. Questions are also being raised as to whether the BNP is moving away from its earlier positions. The way things have progressed has created cracks in public trust; this was not desirable.

The political analyst believes that to restore public confidence, the BNP must enact constitutional amendments and laws in parliament in line with public aspirations.

Discussions with several responsible BNP leaders reveal that some senior figures in the government are taking a rigid stance on certain key reforms related to public interest. This has caused discomfort among some within the party, though they are not speaking publicly. They believe that delaying even those reforms that would not significantly affect the government’s control and balance would reflect political short-sightedness.

BNP’s position on key reforms has already raised questions within civil society. At a discussion in Dhaka on 19 April, political scientist Professor Rounaq Jahan said that the government’s initial actions suggest a continuation of the old ways. She added that if things continue this way, many are now wondering how long the government will last. There is already growing speculation that the people may not wait 17 years again to exact a political cost.

Politically aware individuals say that recent developments are creating a perception that the BNP is not in favour of reforms. Questions have also been raised over whether the party’s failure to turn the ordinance on referendums into law would be seen as a breach of political commitment. Opposition parties have threatened protests demanding implementation of the referendum verdict. Inside and outside parliament, they have been strongly critical on the issue.

In contrast, the government—formed with more than a two-thirds majority—has not shown an equally forceful response. Instead, to counter the perception that has developed about BNP’s stance on reforms, the prime minister and ministers have repeatedly stated that the BNP will implement every word of the July National Charter.

The International Crisis Group (ICG) has already warned that political reform could become a heated issue in the coming days. In a report published on 23 April, the ICG said that if the BNP is seen as backing away from meaningful reform commitments, staunch supporters of the July Charter—Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party (NCP)—could become vocal against the government both inside and outside parliament, and may also mobilise supporters on the streets.

Alongside reforms, discussions suggest that over the past two and a half months the government has also lagged in establishing a clear political position. Instead of taking early stances on various issues, the tendency to provide explanations later has put the BNP in a defensive position. As a result, criticism from the opposition is having greater impact on the public, while the government’s policy positions are often remaining in the background. This weakness in political positioning has also been reflected in public relations.

The recent energy situation is a major example. Relevant individuals say that although the energy crisis is partly due to policy failures of the previous government and the impact of the Iran-related conflict situation, the government has not been able to clearly communicate this to the public. Moreover, at the outset the government stated that there was no energy crisis. However, long queues at petrol stations across the capital and the country, along with load shedding, have put that claim under scrutiny.

Analysts believe this has created a trust deficit in the government. In their view, instead of denying the crisis, the government should have clearly explained the situation, its causes, and its response from the beginning.

However, BNP government activities over the past two and a half months have been described as “very positive” by Prime Minister’s adviser Ruhul Kabir Rizvi. He told Prothom Alo that the steps taken by the government and the prime minister so far are positive, particularly the speed with which election promises are being implemented—something not seen before. He added that positive measures have also been taken to address energy and other crises, and people have understood that the government has a people-friendly approach in all sectors.

Sources within the government and the party say that over the past two and a half months since the formation of the government, coordination gaps have emerged between the BNP as a party, the government, and parliament. There are also internal questions about whether decisions regarding which leaders would be assigned to which ministries were made after proper policy-level discussions. It is also being discussed within the party that some individuals have been given charge of ministries that even surprised them.

There is also discussion about the size of the cabinet and advisory council. Several senior leaders who played important roles at different times were not included in the cabinet. In some ministries, there are both ministers and state ministers, and in some cases advisers as well. So far, no public conflicts between ministers, state ministers, and advisers have been reported. However, based on past experience, some fear that such arrangements may create additional complexity in administrative decision-making in the future.

The assignment of a deputy speaker role to a state minister is being viewed as an ad hoc solution. Such decisions are seen as indicating a lack of planning and preparation.

Meanwhile, BNP’s organisational activities have remained largely stagnant since the formation of the government. Apart from nomination processes for reserved women’s seats and some activities related to national days, there has been little visible organisational activity from the party.

The economic situation is also putting pressure on the government. With the national budget approaching, there are challenges in both revenue collection and foreign exchange reserves. The government has already borrowed around Tk 200 billion from Bangladesh Bank, indicating growing dependence on domestic borrowing. At the same time, there has been no visible assurance of financial support from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, or other development partners, making the situation more uncertain. As a result, managing the budget deficit may become a major challenge.

Amid this situation, several student clashes have occurred at Dhaka University and other educational institutions. These clashes have taken place between the student wing of the ruling party, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, and the student wing of the main opposition Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Chhatra Shibir. Observers monitoring the incidents say that although the clashes often start from very minor issues, the public is not viewing them positively. Analysts fear that the impact of these multiple layers of unease could ultimately have political costs for the BNP.