Dr Hossain Zillur Rahman played an important role in political negotiation when he was an advisor to the caretaker government in 2007-08. He is also the executive chairman of the private research organisation Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC). He spoke to Prothom Alo about the student-people's mass uprising, activities and competency-capacity evaluation of the interim government, their responsibilities and debate on constitutional continuity in post-mass uprising time. AKM Zakaria and Iftekhar Mahmud took the interview. Read the last part today.
Considering the activities of the government for the past two months, many people say the size of the government should expand and appoint new advisers. There are also some sectors that have no competent advisers. What are your thoughts on this?
Hossain Zillur Rahman: The number of advisers might increase, but the main problem is the governance style of this government. At first, the government must give itself a big shake. They are turning it into a bureaucracy. Several important promotions are being done in a somewhat nontransparent process, reaching the people is not getting importance. It is necessary to change these practices. It is necessary to assess the government on the basis of its effectiveness rather than its size and so it should it be corrected accordingly.
Conglomerates in Bangladesh were involved with the past government. They were also connected to looting and played a role in delivering services and supplying goods. On the other hand, it is also necessary to take action against their misdeeds. What are the ways to face such a situation?
Hossain Zillur Rahman: This is a big concern of the people. Employment was the main goal of quota reforms, but when the question arises on employment, what answer do we get? Where is their attention and initiative in this regard? We have to now bring the oligarchs under control and fix their services and goods supply management. For this, faith must be put on the second tier of businessmen, and the task must be carried out by them. If it is done by secretaries or by their instructions, it will not work. The government must do the task quickly. Supply chain has collapsed after floods. If we look for solutions bureaucratically, it will take two years, but our farmers need seeds, fertilisers and other agricultural materials now. There is no time to delay.
Business people held dialogue with the government. We saw senior people there. There were many good businesspersons among them. I sat with a group of small and medium entrepreneurs. They asked, who will look at us? Another issue is that inflation cannot be controlled by administrative steps. Corruption is an issue of grave concern that must be brought down to a minimum level, but the entire situation should not be looked at through the lens of corruption. Attention must be given to identifying several sectors marred by severe corruption and how the remaining economic activities can be made more functional.
Reports on capital market scandals, the Bangladesh Bank reserve heist, and the Sagor-Runi murder have not been published yet, but the government was seen busy with many issues related to corruption on a small scale.
The government is taking action against corrupt people. Lawsuits are also underway.
Hossain Zillur Rahman: It is better to take action against corruption and injustice and run trials properly, but we have witnessed that it is being done in an uncontrolled way. Cruelty, torture and corruption reached an extreme level, and its remedy is necessary. I had a conversation with a student of the Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur several days ago. The student, who was an activist in the student movement, told me two important things. The student said, “We are general people. We were forced to become extremely courageous due to the situation, but none appreciated us after the situation changed. Our emotional healing is necessary.” Secondly, the student said, “We want to return to studies. The entire nation needed emotional healing. It did not happen.” An uncontrolled situation is being created over who is guilty or not guilty instead of focusing on bringing students back to studies. I think if the trials are conducted fairly, the criminals will get a message. Thne such crimes will drop in future.
Many political parties with various ideologies and people with various views came together and made the uprising happen. Each political party has their agenda. Those parties became active to achieve their goals after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government. What is your view about this and how far has the interim government has been successful in tackling this situation? Do you have any advice?
Hossain Zillur Rahman: It is true that political parties, various groups currently active on the streets are trying to realise their demandd and establish their ideas despite all-party engagement in the efforts for the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government. It is normal and not unexpected. Every party and group might have specific outlook and demands, but currently, it is very necessary to give importance to the aspirations of all direct participants, silent supporters and individuals.
Firstly, visible efforts should be made to solve daily problems. Secondly, it is also necessary to build an effective narrative to maintain a stable environment and keep the majority people on board. This is not a matter of expressing goodwill only. It is a matter of capable and credible political handling. Thirdly, it is also necessary to formulate a roadmap for political transition with a footprint of sustainability and ethics. The interim government is undertaking many initiatives, but I do not think these initiatives are creating any overall environment of trust. The functioning style of the interim government is apparently circling into the trap of heavy dependency on bureaucracy, experts and students.
I can give three pieces of advice here. Firstly: taking up a specific and well-considered initiative, which is not like a conventional event organised by the administration, to exchange views with businesspersons from all levels, keeping the business environment in mind; secondly: holding a national education dialogue soon with the participation of all stakeholders and thirdly; taking initiative of local government election during the national election.
There is significant debate over continuation of the current president in his position. Political parties hold differing positions on the matter. What could be the way forward to establish a national consensus in this regard?
Some crucial issues need to be considered separately. One of them is the issue of constitutional continuity. Its main aspect is to ensure the minimum environment for stability, so that work on meeting the people’s current needs and on meeting mid-range reform targets can continue simultaneously and effectively.
Given our current social and political reality, any break in the constitutional continuum could open a Pandora's box and instigate unnecessary chaos. Equally important is the eligibility and acceptability of the current president officeholder. The answer here is also quite clear. He is not qualified on two parameters – eligibility and acceptability. His departure is inevitable at a reasonable time, and there is no way to have a different view here.
When it comes to sustainable and effective political transition, maintaining constitutional continuity is far more considerable than the qualifications of the incumbent. Besides, it is important to remain vigilant against any obstinate efforts by the officeholder.
One crucial point to consider is that our medium- and long-term goal is a balanced distribution of power in state governance. Here, an important issue is to conduct an effective review on the responsibilities and authority of the presidency and determine a proper set of actions . It is imperative to gear up discussions in this regard in the public sphere.
Various reform initiatives are being taken in the country, and some commissions have been formed. Among them, the issue of constitutional reform stands out for its special importance on the political ground. Do you have any thoughts on this?
This certainly deserves close attention. Theoretical discussions on constitutional reforms have gained momentum. Starting from scratch should not be an issue here. Constitutional vacuum is a serious threat to political transition.
In my view, constitutional discussions should target three key issues. The first is to redefine and expand fundamental human rights. A key aspect is to ensure human dignity. From abuses and mistreatment by the policemen to discourtesies by civil servants at all levels, these all undermine human dignity. To prevent this, the constitutional sections should be revamped, after redefining and adding the rights associated with human dignity.
Following 5 August, "insaf" or justice has emerged as an important issue for us. It is a multifaceted term and it must be ensured by integrating both continuity and public aspirations.
Another considerable issue is the balance of power. Different sorts of discussions are underway in this regard. Public sphere is very critical in discussions of establishing an effective balance of power. Proportional representation has been discussed. An hasty decision would be imprudent here too.
There is no question on the global stage regarding the credibility of the Dr Yunus-led government. It is receiving assurance for special support and financial assistance. How do you think this support and assistance will be effective in ensuring stability and overcoming financial crises?
Assistance from the IMF, World Bank, and others is definitely a significant relief, particularly for addressing the acute woes in macroeconomics. Restoring balance in the macro-economy is an urgent need, but the larger one is to roll the economy toward a robust pace, so that employment gears up, investments increase, and market management improves to keep commodity prices at reasonable levels.
Alongside the billions in IMF assistance, the prospect of hundreds of billions in foreign investment should be pursued effectively. It should not be done merely through announcements and bureaucratic assurances.
India did not accept the student-people uprising in Bangladesh. How do you see India's stance on its relationship with Bangladesh?
It is evident that India has not welcomed recent changes in Bangladesh. Their foreign policy became oddly and excessively centered on one particular leader. India also needs to negotiate on how to rectify Bangladesh-India relations. Bangladesh needs to formulate a mental roadmap for its own, on the basis of three policy perspectives.