Masud Uddin Chowdhury: 1/11, power, reward and controversy

During the 1/11 political upheaval in 2007, he was a highly influential military officer operating behind the scenes of power. His name was associated with the National Coordination Committee on Combating Serious Crimes, the arrest of top political leaders, special detention facilities, and political reconfiguration.

After the return of an elected government, his service tenure was extended. He later became a Member of Parliament and got involved in business. For years, he remained a figure of discussion, criticism and controversy. That same retired Lieutenant General Masud Uddin Chowdhury was arrested on Monday night and placed on a five-day remand.

The fate of this once-powerful figure has once again brought into focus longstanding questions about the relationship between politics, the military and power during one of Bangladesh’s most unusual periods.

According to various sources, Masud Uddin Chowdhury was one of the main architects of the 1/11 political changeover. At the time, he served as General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the Army’s 9th Infantry Division based in Savar.

He is said to have worked closely with the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) in shaping the overall plan. There were also discussions at the time suggesting that then Army Chief General Moeen U Ahmed was initially hesitant, though he later became part of the process.

On 11 January 2007, the day the state of emergency was declared, Masud Uddin Chowdhury was among the military officers who accompanied the Army Chief to Bangabhaban. He reportedly arrived there in an armed capacity and exerted pressure.

Under such circumstances, President Professor Iajuddin Ahmed, who was simultaneously serving as Chief Adviser to the caretaker government, declared a state of emergency and was also compelled to resign from that position.

At the time, it was widely discussed that Masud Uddin Chowdhury’s brother-in-law, the late Sayeed Iskander, brother of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) chairperson Khaleda Zia, had supported his role.

It was also suggested that Iskander had influenced the elevation of Moeen U Ahmed to the position of Army Chief, bypassing several others. The two were reportedly batchmates in the military.

However, in his memoir, Moeen U Ahmed wrote that the military leadership visited Bangabhaban to brief the President on the political crisis, the electoral situation and international pressure, and that the decision to impose a state of emergency followed that meeting.

Following the declaration of emergency, a military-backed caretaker government assumed control. Masud Uddin Chowdhury was appointed coordinator of the National Coordination Committee on Combating Serious Crimes, a structure that became one of the most powerful administrative mechanisms of the time.

Anti-corruption drives, special operations and arrests were conducted under its authority. He was later promoted to Lieutenant General.

In his book 1/11: Bangladesh 2007–2008, Mohiuddin Ahmad wrote that the period was characterised by a controlled system of governance, where certain military officers operated behind the scenes to manage political communication, administrative coordination and operations. Masud Uddin Chowdhury’s name features prominently in that context.

There were also discussions in political circles that influential officials played a role in attempts to form a new political party (Progressive Democratic Party) under the leadership of Ferdous Ahmed Qureshi, where Masud Uddin Chowdhury’s name also surfaced. Earlier in his career, he had been part of the Rakkhibahini, which was dissolved in 1975 and later integrated into the army.

One of the most widely discussed aspects of the 1/11 administration was its anti-corruption campaign. Numerous senior politicians, business figures and bureaucrats were arrested. Special detention centres, interrogations and remand practices became major public issues.

These operations also generated controversy. Allegations emerged that due legal procedures were not always followed in arrests, that pressure was applied during interrogations, and that money was extracted from some businesspersons.

While serving as head of the taskforce and GOC of the 9th Division, Masud Uddin Chowdhury himself faced allegations of corruption. Over time, these claims contributed to his controversial public image.

At one stage, differences reportedly arose between him and Army Chief Moeen U Ahmed on certain matters. On 2 June 2008, his service was placed under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, effectively removing him from the army.

Later, on 2 September that year, he was appointed Bangladesh’s High Commissioner to Australia. Subsequently, the Awami League government extended his tenure on three occasions. After retirement, he became involved in multiple business ventures in Dhaka.

During the 1/11 period, leaders from both major parties were arrested, including BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia, Awami League president Sheikh Hasina, and BNP’s then senior joint secretary general Tarique Rahman.

Over time, allegations circulated in political discourse and on social media that Masud Uddin Chowdhury played a central role in those arrests and interrogations. His name was also mentioned in connection with torture of Tarique Rahman. However, there has been no publicly confirmed investigation or proven charge regarding these allegations.

Following 1/11, the chiefs of two major political parties were detained in residences within the parliament complex that were designated as special detention facilities. It has long been discussed in political circles that a political understanding was reached between Sheikh Hasina and the military leadership during that time.

According to various sources, as part of that understanding, Sheikh Hasina was released on bail and travelled abroad. Despite pressure, Khaleda Zia did not agree to leave the country, though her sons Tarique Rahman and Arafat Rahman (Koko) were sent abroad for medical treatment after being granted bail.

As Khaleda Zia remained in the country, Sheikh Hasina later returned. Political discussions suggest that further understandings were reached with the military leadership regarding the election.

Some analysts believe these arrangements helped pave the way for the December 2008 election. In these discussions, the roles of several military officials have been highlighted, including that of Masud Uddin Chowdhury.

Following the election, the Awami League came to power. After Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister, Masud Uddin Chowdhury’s tenure as High Commissioner to Australia was extended multiple times. Many believe he became a trusted figure and beneficiary of the government due to his role during 1/11 and the pre-election arrangements. Although the government did not provide any official explanation ever, this perception persisted in political circles.

After retiring in 2014, Masud Uddin Chowdhury entered business. He later obtained a licence for export of human resources (recruiting). Allegations subsequently emerged that he profited significantly through syndicates involved in sending workers to Malaysia.

He later joined the Jatiya Party and was elected a Member of Parliament from the Feni-3 (Sonagazi–Daganbhuiyan) constituency in the controversial elections of 2018 and 2024. Before the 2018 election, he had initially purchased a nomination form from the Awami League, but later joined the Jatiya Party and became a presidium member. His joining the party was widely believed to have been influenced by the Awami League’s top leadership.

Masud Uddin Chowdhury was arrested late Monday night from his residence in Baridhara DOHS by the Detective Branch (DB) of Dhaka Metropolitan Police. He was produced before a court on Tuesday, which granted a five-day remand in connection with a human trafficking case filed with Paltan police station.

The case was filed on 3 September last year by Altab Khan, owner of Afia Overseas, accusing 103 individuals of embezzlement and human trafficking.

At a press briefing, DB Additional Commissioner Shafiqul Islam stated that Masud Uddin Chowdhury faces 11 cases in Feni and Dhaka, including charges of murder, attempted murder and human trafficking. Investigations are also ongoing by the Anti-Corruption Commission and the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

Following the remand hearing at the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate’s Court in Dhaka, an individual threw dirty water at Masud Uddin Chowdhury while he was being taken to custody. Police personnel were unable to prevent the act but quickly escorted him away.

Earlier in the afternoon, Masud Uddin Chowdhury was brought to the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate’s (CMM) Court in a police microbus. The investigating officer submitted an application seeking a five-day remand for his interrogation.

During the hearing, the prosecution, represented by Public Prosecutor Omar Faruq Faruqi, alleged that the accused had embezzled Tk 24,000 crore (240 billion) under the guise of sending workers abroad.

He further claimed that during the 1/11 period, the accused and others formed a so-called Truth Commission, detaining businesspeople, subjecting them to coercion, and extracting money in exchange for clemency. Political leaders were also subjected to similar treatment.

The PP added that under the so-called minus-two formula, there had been efforts to eliminate the Zia family from politics. “Ironically, the person he allegedly sought to torture to death is now the Prime Minister,” the prosecutor remarked.

The 1/11 period remains a controversial and unresolved chapter in Bangladesh’s political history. The arrest of Masud Uddin Chowdhury has brought that chapter back into public discussion.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, author Mohiuddin Ahmad said that among the major actors of 1/11, Masud Uddin Chowdhury was the only one who was rewarded during the Awami League government’s tenure. This suggests that Sheikh Hasina had reciprocated his role.

He noted that Masud Uddin was not arrested during the interim period but was detained after the BNP returned to power. This indicates that his links to 1/11 may have been a central factor behind the arrest.