Professor Yunus, for the time being, has drawn a close to the conjectures and confusion over the when the national election is to be held, whether in December this year or any time within June of the coming year. According to his announcement, the national election is to be held any day in the first half of April 2026.
This announcement has been met with mixed reaction. However, the country's largest political party BNP has not accepted this date. It seemed that Professor Yunus would stick to his April schedule, but now his meeting to be held in London with BNP's acting Chairman Tarique Rahman, is generating a sense of hope among many.
BNP has explained why it is not accepting April as the time for the election. It feels that the weather at that time is not favourable for an election. There are also apprehensions and objection about campaigning and conducting other political programmes during the month of Ramadan. They fear that such circumstances may arise that will create scope for the election date to be pushed back.
Amid all the present discussions, debates and speculations concerning the election timeframe, many are raising the doubts as to whether the election will actually be held at all. BNP leaders are continuously alleging that conspiracies are be hatched against their party. The party acting chairman Tarique Rahman recently said, "Behind the delay in reforms, it seems there are elements within and outside the government who have a different objection." Tarique Rahman's insinuation is clear.
National crises or exceptional circumstances often create opportunities for extreme and reckless political forces to become active. Following the July mass uprising, many such groups have found a favorable environment to operate within the new political reality. Whether labeled as extremism, anarchism, or recklessness, these are, in their own way, particular paths within politics.
In the history of our country’s politics, such forces have tried to assert themselves during moments of crisis. Even in the current situation, there are reports of the activities of such groups or factions. There is growing concern and apprehension among many regarding the influence and activities of these groups within the state machinery.
The country's politics at one point had gone through considerable uncertainty. There was a sit-in outside Jamuna demanding a ban of Awami League, then there were the issues of an election timeframe, the army chief's stance concerning a corridor to Myanmar and leasing Chittagong Port of foreign quarters, BNP and NCP at loggerheads of the Ishraque issue, their demands for certain advisors to resign and so on. Fed up with all this, Professor Yunus' talk of resigning threw the country in the face of another crisis.
A large segment of Bangladesh’s population is eagerly waiting to vote for the first time. The current interim government and its chief advisor, Professor Yunus, also aim to ensure that as many young voters as possible are able to participate in the election
In such a complex situation, the demand for elections to be held soon was seen as a way out of the crisis. The army chief said the election should be held within December this year. BNP also began to step up their demand for the election in December. The party's acting chairman clearly said, the election must be held within December. In this reality, Professor Yunus' announcement for the election in the first half of April brought an end to the December-June election debate. But the question remains as to how far the crisis has actually cleared.
BNP has made known its negative stance towards the election in April. Given Professor Yunus' December-June timeframe, most people wanted the election to be held before Ramadan. There are practical reasons for this. And there are clearly many problems in holding the election in the first half of April.
Ramadan is likely to start after mid-February on the 17th, depending on the sighting of the moon. That means Eid will be on 19-20 March, and this will be following with a few more days holiday. If the election is to be held in the first half of April, that will give only around 20 days at the most. Ramadan and Eid is not favourable at all for campaigning. Then again, the SSC exam begins from 9 April.
More importantly, temperature begun to rise from mid-March and reach a peak in April. We must also bear in mind that after 2008, there have been no free elections in the country. The festivity of an election disappeared from Bangladesh. If the election could be held within winter, that would really be a festival once again. All said and done, holding the election before Ramadan would be most convenient.
A large segment of Bangladesh’s population is eagerly waiting to vote for the first time. The current interim government and its chief advisor, Professor Yunus, also aim to ensure that as many young voters as possible are able to participate in the election. Students and young people were the driving force behind this year’s mass uprising. Including new and young voters in the electoral roll aligns with the aspirations of the uprising.
If the election is held in February, before Ramadan, there should be no difficulty in including new voters in the electoral roll. According to the Voter List Act 2009, all existing voter lists preserved in the computer database can be updated between 2 January and 2 March each year. Officials say that shortly after 2 January (within about a week), it is possible for the election commission to update the voter list. Moreover, if any legal amendments or ordinances are needed for this, those can also be enacted easily.
It would be most unfortunate if BNP clings to its position solely based on the hope of winning the next election, and insists on safeguarding its interests as a future ruling party in matters of reform
Considering everything, the first half of February appears to be the most logical time for holding the election. If such a timeline is set, we believe that most political parties, including the BNP, will accept it. Most importantly, there is now an urgent need to create an atmosphere of comprehensive consensus in national politics. Holding the election in February before Ramadan could pave the way for that consensus.
One thing must be kept in mind. Whether the election takes place in February or April, if there is no consensus among the political forces involved in the mass uprising beforehand, questions may arise about the moral and legal legitimacy of the uprising itself, the interim government formed through it, and the future elected government.
To bring the election forward from April to February, consensus must be reached quickly on issues like the July Charter. Political parties also need to come to an agreement on the main proposals for constitutional reform. In all of this, the role of the BNP is particularly important.
There is a public perception that BNP is not interested in reforms. BNP must therefore adopt a rational and realistic stance that takes into account the aspirations of the mass uprising. It would be most unfortunate if BNP clings to its position solely based on the hope of winning the next election, and insists on safeguarding its interests as a future ruling party in matters of reform.
The mass uprising has created an opportunity for fundamental change, and BNP respect that. The party’s negative stance on issues such as proportional representation in the upper house of parliament or limiting the prime minister’s tenure to two terms hints at a narrow, self-serving political approach.
We hope that in today's meeting in London between interim government chief advisor Professor Yunus and BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman, there will be progress toward understanding on these issues and an opportunity will emerge to build broader political consensus.
* AKM Zakaria is associate editor, Prothom Alo
(The views expressed are the author’s own.)