‘Sheikh Bari’ was the power hub of Khulna politics

The house known as Sheikh Bari, surrounded by a red boundary wall, is located in Sher-e-Bangla Nagar, Khulna. It was the ancestral home of five cousins of the recently ousted prime minister, Sheikh Hasina.

Although the five brothers live in Dhaka, they often visited Khulna to stay there. The incidents surrounding this house could only be found in mafia movies.

However, this house is now burnt down. After several rounds of attacks, vandalism, arson, and looting before and after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, nothing remains but the infrastructure of the house. Over the past 16 years, this house became the centre of power in the Khulna region.

Political activities, including the formation of Awami League committees and allied organisations, were conducted under the guidance of this house. Political leaders, officials from various public and private organisations, and leaders of other groups regularly visited this place. The house remained bustling all day right until midnight, with expensive cars parked outside and police presence on the streets.

In the last decade and a half, the term ‘Sheikh Bari Quota’ emerged in government employee recruitment in Khulna. All contracting jobs, nomination trades, job appointments, and transfers of officials were centered around this house. Although Awami League leaders and workers expressed dissatisfaction with Sheikh Bari, no one dared to speak out for fear of repercussions. There were three members of parliament associated with this house.

The five brothers of Sheikh Bari are Sheikh Helal, Sheikh Jewel, Sheikh Sohel, Sheikh Rubel, and Sheikh Belal. Among them, Sheikh Helal and Sheikh Jewel were members of parliament, while Sheikh Tanmoy, son of Sheikh Helal, was also a member.

Recently, both Sheikh Helal and Sheikh Tanmoy left the country. However, sources within the Awami League indicate that Sheikh Jewel has yet to leave. Sheikh Sohel and Sheikh Rubel have been out of the country since July. Attempts to contact them by phone have been unsuccessful.

According to party sources, neither Helal nor any of his brothers held central or important positions in the party. However, to obtain an important position, candidates needed their support. It was essential for nomination aspirants from Khulna, Bagerhat, Jashore, Satkhira, and Jhenaidah districts in national or local elections to seek the blessings of this family.

A member of Sheikh Hasina’s last cabinet, speaking to Prothom Alo on condition of anonymity, stated that no minister or state minister had the courage to ignore the lobbying of Sheikh Helal or his family members. The Helal family wielded significant power, particularly in the Ministry of Water Resources and Shipping.

In addition to Helal and his son Tanmay, Sheikh Jewel has recently become quite influential. Awami League leaders and activists attribute this to the role of Jewel’s wife, Shahana Yasmin Shampa, who spent considerable time at Ganabhaban in recent years. Her lobbying in various departments of administration and government has become crucial.

The five brothers are the sons of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s younger brother, Sheikh Abu Nasser, who also died in the 15 August assassinations in 1975. Sheikh Helal Uddin, the eldest son, was a member of the Bagerhat district Awami League. He served as a member of parliament for six terms in the Bagerhat-1 constituency, which includes Chitalmari, Fakirhat, and Mollarhat.

Helal became active in politics after Sheikh Hasina returned to the country on 17 May 1981, and he emerged as one of the most influential leaders in the political landscape of the southern region.

Although he did not hold a top position in the party, Helal significantly influenced political decisions, not only in the Khulna division but also in national politics.

Other members of Sheikh Helal’s family were not actively involved in politics earlier. However, in 2014, Sheikh Salah Uddin alias Jewel, Sheikh Sohel Uddin, Sheikh Jalal Uddin alias Rubel, and Sheikh Belal Uddin alias Babu, along with Sheikh Helal's son Sheikh Tanmoy, began to assert control over politics and business in the area, each cultivating their individual influence.

In the Khulna-2 constituency, Sheikh Jewel suddenly rose to prominence. The people of Khulna were not very familiar with him at the time. In 2014, Mizanur Rahman, the then general secretary of the metropolitan Awami League, won a seat in this constituency during the 10th national parliamentary election.

Following this victory, Mizanur's influence within the party increased, which the Sheikh brothers did not take well. He subsequently faced an investigation by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC).

Sheikh Jewel emerged on the political scene in October 2018. On 25 October, during an extended meeting in Khulna, he was announced as the candidate for the Khulna-2 constituency. In January 2024, he became a member of parliament for the second time in the 12th national parliamentary election.

In 2018, Sheikh Helal’s son Tanmoy entered politics, securing party nomination for the Bagerhat-2 (Sadar-Kachhua) seat, following in his father's footsteps.

Despite many seasoned leaders in the district, this relatively unknown figure was nominated under the family quota. By 2024, Tanmoy also became a Member of Parliament.

Sheikh Sohel became a presidium member of Jubo League and took on multiple leadership roles, including president of the Khulna Club, president of the Khulna Divisional Inland Water Transport Owners Group, Director of the Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB), and Chairman of the Governing Body of the Bangladesh Premier League (BPL). Meanwhile, Sheikh Rubel was appointed Vice President of the Khulna Divisional Inland Water Transport Owners Group.

Discussions with ship owners in Khulna reveal that the five brothers of the Sheikh family, along with their wives and children, own hundreds of vessels. Since 2011, the Khulna Divisional Inland Shipping Owners Group has been under the control of the Sheikh brothers.

Sheikh Jewel served as the president of this organisation from 2011 to 2017, followed by Sheikh Sohel, who held the position until the fall of the Awami League government. Their brother, Sheikh Rubel, was the vice president. They obtained these positions solely through influence, without any voting process.

Former directors of the shipping owners group told Prothom Alo that despite an increase in shipping traffic at Mongla Port, local ship owners have not benefited.

After transporting goods on the Sheikh family’s vessels, other owners often found themselves sidelined, leading to many merchants’ vessels lying idle day after day. As a result, several businesses have closed due to the Sheikh family’s influence, with some owners selling off their ships.

Records indicate that 22 vessels are registered in the names of Sheikh Helal, his wife, and his son alone. Of these, 14 belong to Sheikh Helal, 6 to his son Tanmoy, and 2 to Helal's wife, Rupa Chowdhury. A source within the Department of Shipping confirmed this information to Prothom Alo.

In April 2021, the cargo ship MV SKL-3, owned by SK Logistics and linked to Sheikh Tanmoy, rammed and sank a passenger launch in the Shitalakkhya River in Narayanganj, resulting in the deaths of 34 people.

Many senior leaders of the Awami League were not nominated during the last three full terms of Sheikh Hasina's government simply because they did not pay the Sheikh brothers.

From the chairmanship of the Union Parishad (UP) to parliamentary nominations, the influence of Sheikh Bari in Khulna was pervasive. Numerous Awami League leaders, speaking anonymously, reported that nominations were often granted by the Sheikh brothers in exchange for money.

If they disapproved of the ‘boat’—the official symbol of the Awami League—candidates selected by the party’s central committee, they would field a 'rebel' candidate.

One candidate who lost an upazila parishad election in Khulna with the boat symbol told Prothom Alo, "My rival candidate gave millions to the Sheikh family. I lost with the support of the police administration and local officials."

Helal and Tanmoy have also been accused of accepting money for UP membership. Due to their influence, their followers became unopposed chairmen in the UP elections of 2016 and 2021 in Bagerhat, dominating in 39 and 34 UPs, respectively. According to party sources, they charged Tk 1 million from each chairman candidate for nominations in the 2016 UP elections and required at least Tk 2 million for nominations in the 2022 UP elections.

Jalma, the largest union in Khulna district, witnessed significant electoral maneuvering. Two days before the December 2021 elections in this UP, two rebel candidates—Sheikh Ashikuzzaman (Ashiq) and Md Gafur Mulla—competing against Bidhan Roy, a candidate backed by Sheikh Sohel, announced their withdrawal in a local daily newspaper.

Sheikh Ashikuzzaman recounted to Prothom Alo, "My election office was vandalised, and cases were filed against my leaders and activists. I was also accused of premeditated murder. Ultimately, 20-30 motorcycles brought me to Sheikh's house. Sheikh Sohel pressured me to withdraw from the election. When I asked for another chance, he said, ‘There is nothing to do. Sign this paper.’ I signed the conditions to secure the release of my staff from the police station and left. The next day, I found that I had withdrawn from the election; a notice appeared in the newspaper stating as much."

In 2015, Mina Hasibul Hasan, president of the Sadar upazila Awami League, was expelled for running as a candidate for mayor in the Bagerhat municipal elections. It is alleged that Khan Habibur Rahman, the mayoral candidate nominated by Sheikh Helal, was declared the winner despite Hasibul receiving more votes. Since then, Hasibul has faced imprisonment and harassment, forcing his followers to stay out of the area for more than five years.

Over the past decade and a half, the primary qualification for job seekers in the recruitment process at the four government universities in Khulna has often been a recommendation from Sheikh Bari.

A syndicate member at Sheikh Hasina Medical University in Khulna informed Prothom Alo that Sheikh Bari wielded significant influence over all appointments at the university, with former KCC panel mayor Ali Akbar managing these appointments on their behalf.

According to a source in the district police, financial payments were required to Sheikh Helal's personal assistants to influence decisions regarding the appointment of officer-in-charges (OCs) at police stations in Bagerhat district. Recently, the source revealed that two OCs in two Bagerhat police stations had to pay Tk 2 million each to secure their positions.

The 'Batiaghata Balumhal' spans 49 acres across 23 mauzas in Khulna. Three former and current public representatives informed Prothom Alo that Sheikh Sohel held control over this Balumhal. Anyone wishing to excavate sand from the Rupsa Setu to Baranpara area of Batiaghata was required to pay Sheikh Sohel a commission of Tk 0.5 to 1.15 paisa for every square foot of sand excavated. This commission had to be paid in cash. It is reported that Sheikh Sohel received at least Tk 500,000 to 800,000 daily from the sand business.

Furthermore, no market or ghat lease in Bagerhat could be obtained without the approval of Helal and his son Tanmoy. Tanmoy was known to lease out positions at lower prices to his associates.

Conversations with party leaders and various individuals involved in contracting reveal that many acted as lobbyists to secure tenders by coordinating with Sheikh Bari. For several years, Sheikh Sohel played a key role in controlling the contracting process.

Interviews with at least seven contractors in Khulna indicate that anyone wishing to undertake work was required to pay a 10 per cent commission to the Sheikh family.

In recent years, only a handful of companies have received projects from the Roads and Highways Department, Local Government Engineering Department (LGED), Public Works, and the Electricity Department.

Importantly, being affiliated with the ruling party was not a prerequisite for securing tenders; even prominent leaders from the BNP and Jatiya Party have obtained projects through Sheikh Bari.

According to Sheikh Jewel's 2018 affidavit, his annual income was Tk 32 million. By 2023, this figure had increased to Tk 72.8 million, with movable assets reported at Tk 382.7 million. While cargo and fishing trawlers were listed as assets, the affidavit did not specify the amount invested in them.

In Sheikh Helal's 2009 affidavit, his annual income was reported at Tk 80 million, although his wife's income was not disclosed at that time. In contrast, the 2023 affidavit showed Sheikh Helal with an annual income of Tk 5 million from business, while his wife reported an income of Tk 2.95 million. His movable assets were valued at Tk 45.6 million in 2009, with his wife's assets at Tk 4.5 million.

Sheikh Tanmoy's 2018 affidavit indicated he had movable assets worth Tk 19.4 million and two boats valued at Tk 5.3 million. In the 2023 affidavit, he reported an annual income of Tk 9.5 million from business, shares, and parliamentary allowances.

His business, Sheikh Logistics, is located in the same building as his father's office. His movable assets now total Tk 78.9 million, which includes three cars worth Tk 20 million and 10 kathas of land in the Purbachal New City project.

However, election and political observers believe that the asset declarations made by the Sheikh brothers in their election affidavits represent only a fraction of their actual wealth.

* This report, originally appeared in Prothom Alo print and online edition, has been rewritten in English by Farjana Liakat